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handle  this  volume 

with  care. 

he  University  of  Connecticut 
Libraries,  Storrs 


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StanDarD  Xibrar^  Edition 

The 
World's  Orators 

Comprising 

THE  GREAT  ORATIONS  OF  THE 
WORLD'S   HISTORY 

With 

Introductory  Essays,  Biographical  Sketches 

and  Critical   Notes 

GUY  CARLETON  LEE,  Ph.D. 
Editor-in-Chief 


WITH    ILLUSTRATIONS 


G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 

NEW  YORK   AND   LONDON 

Ube  Iftnicfterbochec  press 

M  C  M 


#^^ 


Demosthenes. 

From  tht'  btatue  in  the  yalicaii,  Rome. 


Orators  of 
Ancient  Greece 


Edited  by 

GUY  CARLETON   LEE,   Ph.D. 

Of  Johns   Hopkins  University 

With   the  Collaboration  of 
MITCHELL  CARROLL,  Ph.D. 

Professor  in  the  Columbian  University 


G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 

NEW   YORK   AND    LONDON 

Ube  IknicherbocMer  press 

1900 


Copyright,   1899 

HY 

G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 
Entered  at  Stationers'  Hall,  London 


Zbe  ftnici^erbocfter  Press,  Dew  ]i;orF: 


I  DEDICATE  THIS  SERIES 
TO  MY  WIFE 


PREFACE 


TO 
THE  WORLD'S  ORATORS 

THE  scope  of  The  IVorld's  Orators  Series  is 
coterminous  with  tlie  limits  of  the  history  of 
eloquence.  The  volumes  of  the  series  contain  the 
most  important  orations  of  all  ages  and  nations.  In 
selecting  them  the  Editors  have  applied  the  rule  of 
exclusion.  Every  oration  not  a  masterpiece  of 
eloquence  or  an  invaluable  illustration  of  a  phase 
of  oratorical  development  has  been  omitted. 

The  space  at  the  Editor's  disposal  has  been  given 
to  the  living  words  of  the  master-orators,  not  to 
disquisitions  upon  them.  Yet  note  and  comment 
have  been  inserted  wherever  the  necessity  for 
them  has  been  apparent,  and  each  volume  includes 
an  essay  upon  the  period  of  oratory  therein  illus- 
trated. These  introductions  form,  when  taken  to- 
gether, a  history  of  oratory  by  specialists. 


viii         Preface  to  The  World's  Orators 

The  series  has  been  fully  illustrated  by  portraits 
of  many  of  the  orators.  Special  notes  regarding 
these  valuable  illustrations  will  be  found  in  the 
prefaces. 

The  series  contains  many  orations  that  have 
never  before  been  translated  into  English.  Others 
of  importance  have  been  newly  translated  for  the 
series.  This  work  has  been  under  the  direct 
charge  of  the  Editor-in-Chief,  assisted  by  Associate 
Editors  Ayer,  Carroll,  and  Larus. 

In  selecting  the  texts  of  the  orations  the  greatest 
care  has  been  used  to  secure  those  which  convey 
the  true  spirit  and  thought  of  the  orators.  To  this 
end,  editions  have  been  collated,  and  when  manu- 
scripts have  been  available  these  have  been  con- 
sulted. In  speeches  originally  rendered  in  English, 
editions  prepared  by  or  under  the  supervision  of 
the  orator  have  been  preferred.  In  the  use  of 
manuscript,  unless  its  contents  have  been  pub- 
lished under  the  author's  direction,  the  original 
has  been  faithfully  followed.  The  capitalization, 
orthography,  paragraphing,  and  punctuation  of 
translated  orations  are,  unless  particularly  noted, 
those  of  the  translators ;  in  manuscript,  those  of 
the  author ;  and  in  orations  published  in  English, 
those  of  the  editor  of  the  editions. 


Preface  to  The  World's  Orators  ix 

The  Editor-in-Chief  has  been  extremely  fortunate 
in  receiving  the  active  assistance  of  an  Advisory 
Council  of  unique  distinction.  He  takes  pleasure 
in  giving  credit  to  the  learned  gentlemen  upon  the 
Council  for  invaluable  advice  in  the  selection  of  the 
orators  for  each  period  treated  by  the  series.  It  is 
but  just  to  say  that  in  a  fev/  cases  individual  pref- 
erences were  not  followed  ;  not  because  they  were 
ill-founded,  but  for  the  reason  that  selections  were 
made  by  following  the  opinion  of  the  majority  of 
the  Council.  This  is  composed  of  j.  W.  Bashford, 
D.D.,  Ph.D.,  President  of  Ohio  Wesleyan  College ; 
W.  M.  Beardshear,  LL.D.,  President  of  Iowa  State 
College  ;  W.  E.  Boggs,  D.D.,  Chancellor  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Georgia ;  Nathaniel  Butler,  D.D.,  Presi- 
dent of  Colby  College  ;  Thomas  J.  Conaty,  D.D., 
Rector  of  the  Catholic  University  of  America ; 
C.  W.  Dabney,  Ph.D.,  LL.D.,  President  of  the 
University  of  Tennessee  ;  F.  W.  Gunsaulus,  D.D., 
President  of  the  Armour  Institute  of  Technology  ; 
C.  D.  Hartranft,  D.D.,  President  of  the  Hartford 
Theological  Seminary;  R.  H.  Jesse,  LL.D.,  Presi- 
dent of  the  University  of  Missouri ;  W.  Preston 
Johnson,  LL.D.,  President  of  Tulane  University; 
Robert  E.  Jones,  D.D.,  President  of  Hobart  Col- 
lege;  H.  W.   McKnight,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  President 


X  Preface  to  The  World's  Orators 

of  Pennsylvania  College  ;  J.  K.  Powers,  LLD., 
President  of  the  University  of  Alabama ;  D.  B. 
Purinton,  Ph.D.,  LLD.,  President  of  Denison 
University;  G.  E.  Reed,  D.D.,  LLD.,  President 
of  Dickinson  College;  E.  M.  Smith,  D.D.,  Presi- 
dent of  Illinois  Wesleyan  College  ;  M.  W.  Stryker, 
D.D.,  LLD.,  President  of  Hamilton  College  ;  E.  D. 
Warfield,  LL.D.,  President  of  Lafayette  College; 
Alexander  S.  Webb,  LL.D.,  President  of  the  Col- 
lege of  the  City  of  New  York ;  B.  L.  Whitman, 
D.D.,  LL.D.,  President  of  Columbian  University; 
W.  L.  Wilson,  LL.D.,  President  of  Washington 
and  Lee  University. 

To  the  Associate  Editors,  for  their  zeal  and  schol- 
arship, great  credit  is  due.  Acknowledgment  is 
made  in  the  preface  of  each  volume  for  particularly 
meritorious  work  rendered  by  Associates,  but  gen- 
eral obligations  are  here  acknowledged  to  Joseph 
C.  Ayer,  B.D.,  Ph.D.;  Mitchell  Carroll,  Ph.D., 
Professor  of  Latin  in  Columbian  University,  and 
sometime  Professor  of  Greek  at  Richmond  Col- 
lege ;  Horatio  W.  King,  LL.  D.  ;  John  R.  Larus ; 
Charles  E.  Moyse,  Professor  of  Philology  in  M'Gill 
University;  Franklin  L.  Riley,  Ph.D.,  Professor  of 
History  and  Rhetoric  in  the  University  of  Mis- 
sissippi ;  Alphonso  Smith,  Ph.D.,  Professor  of  Eng- 


Preface  to  The  World's  Orators  xi 

lish  in  the  University  of  Louisiana;  E.  W.  Sykes, 
Ph.D.,  Professor  of  History  in  Wake  Forest  Col- 
lege ;  H.  C.  Whiting,  L.H.D,,  Professor  of  Latin  in 
Dickinson  College ;  George  E.  Woodberry,  Pro- 
fessor of  Literature  in  Columbia  University. 

The  Editor-in-Chief  and  the  Publishers  wish  to 
express  their  hearty  thanks  to  the  authors  and  pub- 
lishers to  whom  they  are  indebted  for  many  kind- 
nesses in  the  use  of  material.  Such  obligations  are 
duly  and  specially  acknowledged  elsewhere  in  this 
series. 

Guy  Carleton  Lee, 
Editor-in-Chief. 
Historical  Department, 
Johns  Hopkins  University, 
October,  1899. 


T 


PREFACE 

TO 

THE  ORATORS  OF  ANCIENT  GREECE 

HIS  volume  is  the  first  of  The  World's  Orators 
Series.  It  is  devoted  to  the  earliest  period 
in  the  history  of  oratory.  That  period  began  with 
Homer  about  looo  B.C.,  and  ended  at  the  death  of 
Demosthenes  in  323  b.c. 

The  Editors  have  endeavored  fully  to  illustrate 
the  style  of  each  of  the  orators  that  form  the  so- 
called  Attic  Canon.  The  scope  of  the  volume  is 
not,  however,  limited  to  the  Canon,  but  includes 
orations  from  such  other  orators  as  have  been  of 
great  importance  in  the  development  of  the  art  of 
oratory  during  the  first  period  of  its  history. 

In  this  connection,  the  Editor-in-Chief  desires  to 
mention  the  noteworthy  contribution  the  Associate 
Editor,  Mitchell  Carroll,  has  made  to  this  volume. 
Professor  Carroll  has  translated  :  a  fragment  of  the 


xiv       Preface  to  Orators  of  Ancient  Greece 

Funeral  Oration,  by  Gorgias  ;  the  peroration  of  the 
speech  on  the  Murder  of  Herodes,  by  Antiphon  ;  a 
portion  of  the  speech  on  the  Mysteries,  by  Ando- 
cides  ;  selections  from  the  Oration  against  Leocra- 
tes,  by  Lycurgus  ;  and  all  the  extant  portion  of  the 
Olympiac  Oration,  by  Lysias.  These  orations 
have  never  before  been  translated  into  English. 
Professor  Carroll  also  contributes  a  new  transla- 
tion of  the  speech  for  Mantitheus,  by  Lysias,  and 
also  a  large  selection  from  the  same  orator's  de- 
nunciation of  Eratosthenes.  These  orations  are  of 
great  importance,  and  never  have  been  adequately 
rendered  into  English. 

The  Editors  have  striven  to  give  to  all  the  trans- 
lations of  this  volume  their  true  oratorical  value. 
The  attempt  has  been  to  preserve  the  style  of  the 
orator  quoted. 

The  realization  that  not  one  of  the  orations  pre- 
sented in  this  volume  is  less  than  two  thousand 
years  old,  will  aid  the  reader  to  appreciate  these 
masterpieces,  which,  though  differing  in  style 
from  those  of  modern  times,  are  yet  the  founda- 
tion of  the  oratory  of  to-day. 

This  volume  is  illustrated  by  photographic  re- 
productions of  the  celebrated  statues  that  bear  the 
names  of  the  great  orators  of  Greece.    The  por- 


Preface  to  Orators  of  Ancient  Greece        xv 

traits  are  interesting,  and  bring  the  reader  into 
closer  touch  with  their  subjects.  Though  no 
more  authentic  portraits  can  be  presented,  only 
the  weight  of  tradition  justifies  their  insertion. 


G.  C  L 


Johns  Hopkins  University, 
October,  1899. 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Prefaces vii,  xiii 

Introductory  Essay 

The  Oratory  of  Ancient  Greece        .        .        .        / 

Homer 

Introduction 25 

The  Speech  of  ^Achilles  to  the  Envoys       .        .      27 

Prodicus 

Introduction ^^ 

The  Choice  of  Hercules ^5 

Gorgias 

Introduction 41 

Funeral  Oration 4^ 

Pericles 

Introduction ^5^ 

Funeral  Oration  as  Recorded  by  Thucydides    .      ^7 

Antiphon 

Introduction 5P 

Peroration  on  the  Murder  of  Herodes        .        .      61 

VOL.  I.  xvii 


PACK 


xviii  Contents 

Andocides 

Introduction 6p 

On  the  Mysteries 7/ 

Lysias 

Introduction 7P 

Against  Eratosthenes 81 

The  Olympiac  Oration g6 

For  Matititheus pp 

Isocrates 

Introduction 107 

Panegyricus 109 

Isceus 

Introduction 14J 

On  the  Estate  of  Ciron 149 

For  Euphiletus 168 

Lycurgus 

Introduction lyj 

Against  Leocrates 775 

Hypereides 

Introduction /p7 

Against  Philippides 799 

Funeral  Oration 204 

Hegesippiis 

On  the  Halonnesus 208 


Contents 


XIX 


Demosthenes 

Introduction    .... 
On  the  Navy  Boards 
Philippic  the  First    . 
First  Olynthiac  Oration   . 
Second  Olynthiac  Oration 
Philippic  the  Second 
Philippic  the  Third  . 
On  the  State  of  the  Chersonesus 
On  the  Crown 

y^soMnes 

Introduction 

Against  Ctesiphon    . 

Deinarchus 

Introduction 

Against  Demosthenes 


22^ 

22y 
243 
249 

26^ 
289 
326 


299 
301 


355 
^57 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Demosthenes Frontispiece 

From  the  statue  in  the  Vatican,  Rome 

Homer 24 

From  the  bust  in  the  Gallery  of  the  Louvre,  Paris 


The  Apotheosis  of  Homer 

From  a  cast  in  the  Boston  Museum 

Pericles 

From  the  bust  in  the  British  Museum 

Lysias 

From  the  bust  in  the  Capitol,  Rome 
Lycurgus        

From  an  engraving  by  J.  Chapman 


30 

48 

82 

176 


Monument  of  Lysicrates  or  Lantern  of  De- 
mosthenes  228 


y^schines 

From  the  statue  in  the  Boston  Museum 


,     302 


THE  WORLD'S  ORATORS 


THE  ORATORY  OF  ANCIENT  GREECE 

TO  trace  the  progress  of  oratory  from  its  remote 
beginnings  through  all  the  important  epochs 
in  human  history  down  to  the  present  time,  is  a 
task  of  absorbing  interest.  When  oratory  is  con- 
sidered in  all  its  periods,  it  will  be  found  that 
although  there  are  vestiges  of  eloquence  in  the 
sacred  writings  of  the  Hebrews,  and  various  man- 
ifestations of  the  divine  gift  among  other  great 
nations  of  ancient  times,  yet  it  was  among  the 
Greeks  that  public  speech  as  an  art  took  its  origin, 
had  its  development,  and  attained  its  acme  •  and 
in  the  period  of  its  perfect  flower  produced  the 
models  of  eloquence  for  all  succeeding  statesmen 
and  orators. 

The  history  of  Greek  oratory  begins  with  Homer ; 
its  golden  age  may  be  said  to  extend  from  the  era 


2  The  World's  Orators 

of  Pericles  through  the  era  of  Demosthenes ;  its 
decline  may  be  dated  from  the  downfall  of  Greek 
liberty  at  the  battle  of  Chasronea  in  338  B.C. 

Natural  eloquence  is  one  of  the  most  striking 
characteristics  of  the  poems  of  Homer.  The 
Homeric  hero  strove  to  be  both  ''a.  speaker  of 
words,  and  a  doer  of  deeds,"  "good  in  counsel 
and  mighty  in  war."  Achilles,  Nestor,  Menelaus, 
and  Odysseus,  has  each  his  own  distinctive  style 
of  eloquence,  and  in  certain  striking  traits  they 
may  be  well  compared  with  the  Greek  orators  of 
later  times.  In  the  eighth  book  of  the  Odyssey, 
Homer  draws  a  beautiful  picture  of  the  power  and 
influence  of  the  man  of  eloquence,  whose  words 
the  gods  crown  ''with  beauty,  and  men  behold 
him  and  rejoice,  and  his  speech  runs  surely  on  his 
way  with  a  sweet  modesty,  and  he  shines  forth 
among  the  gathering  of  his  people,  and  as  he 
passes  through  the  town  men  gaze  on  him  as  a 
god."  The  ninth  book  of  the  Iliad  is  perhaps  un- 
surpassed in  affording  types  of  eloquence  that  show 
kinship  to  the  great  speeches  of  modern  times. 
In  the  harangues  of  the  envoys  of  Agamemnon  and 
in  the  replies  of  Achilles  we  meet  with  all  the 
essential  factors  of  the  highest  oratory. 

As  in  Homer  the  gift  of  speech  was  confined  to 
the  few  princes  who  led  the  hosts,  so  in  early 
historical  times  the  power  of  eloquence  possessed 
by  the  few  gave  them  marked  ascendency  over 


The  Oratory  of  Ancient  Greece  3 

their  fellows.  To  the  possession  of  this  faculty 
we  may  attribute  in  most  instances  the  usurpation 
effected  by  the  tyrants.  The  great  legislators  and 
generals  were  orators, — Solon  and  Aristeides, 
Miltiades  and  Themistocles,  Cleisthenes  and 
Pericles, — and  we  have  no  hesitation  in  ascribing 
their  achievements  largely  to  their  powers  of 
speech. 

The  triumphs  of  eloquence  of  these  earlier  times 
were,  however,  due  rather  to  native  genius  and 
greatness  of  theme  than  to  the  manner  of  delivery. 
Before  native  and  untutored  eloquence  can  become 
finished  oratory,  men  must  recognize  that  the  end 
sought  can  only  be  gained  by  the  aid  of  art. 

The  necessary  conditions  to  the  evolution  of  the 
art  of  oratory  were  three :  the  freedom  of  speech 
incident  to  a  democracy ;  the  cultivation  of  the 
popular  intelligence  ;  and  the  recognition  of  the 
possibilities  of  literary  prose.  The  Persian  Wars 
brought  about  the  concurrence  of  these  conditions. 
Greek  freedom  was  assured  by  the  victory  over 
the  Persians,  and  the  democracy  of  Athens  was 
firmly  established ;  the  franchise  and  liberty  of 
speech  were  extended  to  all  classes.  Intercourse 
between  the  various  parts  of  the  Greek  world  now 
became  possible.  Learned  men  from  all  parts  of 
Hellas  flocked  to  Athens,  and  by  their  instruction 
and  conversation  raised  the  standard  of  general 
culture.    History,  chiefly  in  the  hands  of  Herod- 


4  The  World's  Orators 

otus,  demonstrated  the  possibilities  of  prose  com- 
position. 

In  addition  to  these  favorable  conditions,  three 
powerful  external  forces  contributed  directly  to  the 
moulding  of  Attic  oratory.  These  influences  were 
the  practical  culture  of  Ionia,  which  the  Sophists 
made  a  common  possession  ;  the  Syracusan  rhet- 
oric, which  provided  a  theory;  and  the  art  of  Gor- 
gias  of  Leontini  in  Sicily,  whose  beauty  of  diction 
suggested  the  possibilities  of  oratorical  prose. 

The  first  philosophy  among  the  Greeks  took  its 
rise  in  the  Ionian  cities  of  Asia  Minor.  Respond- 
ing to  the  quickening  influences  of  the  Persian 
Wars,  this  new  intellectual  tendency  assumed  a 
more  practical  shape  in  the  endeavor  to  inculcate 
a  general  culture  which  should  be  useful  in  the 
affairs  of  everyday  life.  The  expounders  of  this 
tendency  were  commonly  known  as  Sophists. 
They  went  about  among  the  cities  of  Greece  and 
represented  themselves  as  ready  to  give  instruc- 
tion in  all  branches  essential  to  success  in  civic 
life.  They  devoted  attention  to  grammar,  to  liter- 
ary criticism,  and  above  all  to  dialectic.  Pro- 
tagoras of  Abdera,  Prodicus  of  Ceos  (who  counted 
among  his  pupils  Euripides  and  Isocrates,  and  no 
doubt  influenced  Antiphon  and  Thucydides),  and 
Hippias  of  Elis  were  Sophists  of  prominence  who 
travelled  from  city  to  city  giving  instruction  in 
various    branches.      These    scholars    numbered 


The  Oratory  of  Ancient  Greece  5 

among  their  pupils  many  of  the  later  poets  and 
prose  writers  of  Greece.  Because  of  their  ency- 
clopcedic  information,  their  attention  to  correctness 
in  speaking  and  writing,  and  their  popular  dialectic, 
the  Sophists  of  Ionia  laid  the  grammatical  sub- 
structure for  Attic  oratory. 

The  foundation  of  the  art  of  rhetoric  was  laid  in 
Sicily.  The  population  of  the  city  of  Syracuse  had 
passed  through  the  same  political  phases  as  that 
of  the  city  of  Athens.  In  both,  a  ruling  aristocracy 
had  been  overthrown  by  a  tyranny,  and  it  in  turn 
had  been  supplanted  by  a  democracy.  Under  the 
tyrant  Thrasybulus,  the  last  of  the  Gelonian  dy- 
nasty, estates  had  been  confiscated  and  bestowed 
upon  favorites.  Hence,  when,  in  466  B.C.,  Thrasy- 
bulus was  at  last  expelled  and  a  democracy  estab- 
lished, the  original  holders  of  confiscated  property 
came  forward  with  their  claims,  and  the  law  courts 
were  crowded  with  citizens  demanding  their  right- 
ful possessions.  According  to  the  Greek  rule  of 
procedure,  every  citizen  would  be  compelled  to 
personally  conduct  his  affairs  in  court,  stating  his 
claim  and  arguing  his  case.  The  majority  of 
suitors  found  this  impossible. 

In  this  emergency  one  Corax  came  to  the  aid  of 
those  lacking  in  forensic  skill,  and  devised  a  theory 
for  the  proper  presentation  and  arguing  of  cases. 
First,  he  drew  up  and  committed  to  writing  a  sys- 
tem of  rules  for  the  arrangement  and  marshalling 


6  The  World's  Orators 

of  facts  and  arguments,  dividing  the  speech  into 
Proem,  Narrative,  Argument,  Subsidiary  Remarks, 
and  Peroration.  Secondly,  he  emphasized  the  ar- 
gument of  General  Probability,  basing  the  plea  on 
a  consideration  of  what  was  most  natural  and 
probable  under  the  circumstances.  The  topic  of 
Probability  was  further  developed  by  Tisias,  the 
pupil  of  Corax,  who  led  the  wandering  life  of  a 
Sophist,  and  made  generally  known  the  principles 
of  Sicilian  rhetoric. 

Rhetoric  and  dialectic,  however,  were  not  all- 
sufficing  for  the  development  of  oratory;  they 
were  suggestive  in  the  treatment  of  subject-matter, 
and  were  valuable  for  both  invention  and  ar- 
rangement; but  they  were  of  little  service  in  per- 
fecting oratorical  diction.  Gorgias  of  Leontini,  in 
Sicily,  contributed  a  third  element  to  expression. 
The  theory  of  Gorgias  differed  from  that  of  the 
other  Sophists.  The  sum  of  all  his  teaching,  the 
main  point  of  his  theory,  was  the  necessity  of 
beauty  in  diction. 

In  427  B.C.  the  Leontines  sent  an  embassy  to 
Athens,  begging  assistance  in  their  war  with  Syra- 
cuse. "At  the  head  of  the  envoys,"  says  Dio- 
dorus  (xii.,  53),  ''was  Gorgias,  the  rhetor,  a  man 
who  far  surpassed  all  his  contemporaries  in  orator- 
ical force.  He  astonished  the  Athenians,  with  their 
quick  minds  and  their  love  of  eloquence,  by  the 
foreign  fashion  of  his  language." 


The  Oratory  of  Ancient  Greece  7 

The  rhetorical  element  of  the  eloquence  of  Gor- 
gias,  which  captivated  the  Athenians,  was  the 
poetic  character  of  his  diction,  due  to  the  extensive 
use  of  poetic  words,  and  the  prose-rhythm  brought 
about  by  symmetry  and  assonance  between 
clauses.  It  is  to  Gorgias,  therefore,  that  is  attrib- 
uted the  first  conception  of  a  system  by  which 
literary  prose  might  be  made  artistic. 

The  effect  of  the  oratory  of  Gorgias  is  the  more 
remarkable  when  we  consider  the  character  of  the 
audience  that  listened  to  his  words.  It  was  com- 
posed of  men  familiar  with  the  eloquence  of  Peri- 
cles, men  who  had  hung  upon  the  words  of  the 
great  Athenian  and  been  swayed  at  his  will.  But 
the  manner  of  speech  of  the  two  men  must  have 
been  very  different.  It  was  the  beauty  of  the  lan- 
guage of  Gorgias  which  charmed  his  hearers ;  it 
was  the  thoughts  and  moral  force  of  Pericles  which 
moved  his  audience ;  for  we  have  no  conclusive 
evidence  that  Pericles  endeavored  to  give  to  his 
speech  the  finish  of  literary  form. 

Yet  from  the  allusions  of  ancient  writers  it  seems 
that  Pericles  may  be  regarded  as  the  first  great 
orator  of  Greece  and,  perhaps,  of  the  world.  Aris- 
tophanes {Ach.,  530)  speaks  of  him  as  the  Olym- 
pian who  "thundered  and  lightninged  and  shook 
all  Greece."  ''  This  man,"  says  Eupolis,  the  comic 
poet  (Bothe,  Frag.  Com.,  i.,  162),  ''whenever  he 
came  forward,  proved  himself  the  greatest  orator 


8  The  World's  Orators 

among  men.  .  .  .  Rapid  you  call  him  ;  but 
besides  his  swiftness,  a  certain  persuasion  sat  upon 
his  lips — such  was  his  spell:  and,  alone  of  all  the 
speakers,  he  ever  left  his  sting  in  the  hearers." 
His  manner  of  speaking  seems  to  have  been  stately 
but  vehement,  at  times  tranquil,  at  times  rapid, 
with  occasional  bursts  of  the  highest  eloquence. 

The  speeches  which  Thucydides  attributes  to 
Pericles  no  doubt  preserve  the  sentiments  of  that 
orator  with  essential  fidelity;  on  comparing  them 
with  the  other  speeches  of  Thucydides  they  seem 
also  to  possess  a  distinctive  manner,  which  it  is 
possible  that  the  historian  caught  from  being  a 
constant  and  eager  auditor  of  the  great  statesman. 
The  funeral  eulogy  spoken  by  Pericles  over  those 
who  fell  in  the  first  campaign  of  the  Peloponnesian 
War  has  been  embodied  by  Thucydides  in  his  his- 
tory, and  whether  its  composition  be  attributed 
chiefly  to  the  historian  or  to"  the  orator,  it  is  one 
of  the  renowned  monuments  of  ancient  eloquence. 

The  Peloponnesian  War,  with  the  consequent 
disarrangement  of  private  affairs,  produced  condi- 
tions at  Athens  very  similar  to  those  which  at 
Syracuse,  a  few  decades  earlier,  had  occasioned 
the  rhetorical  theory  of  Corax.  Political  animosi- 
ties were  rife.  The  rich  were  becoming  richer; 
the  poor,  poorer.  The  contests  in  the  law  courts 
were  more  frequent  and  more  bitter,  as  the  struggle 
for  existence  became  more  intense. 


The  Oratory  of  Ancient  Greece  9 

Corax  had  supplied  his  clients  merely  with 
methods  of  arrangement  and  suggestions  for  argu- 
mentation. The  Athenian  lawyers  went  one  step 
further.  They  made  the  composition  of  forensic 
speeches  a  business.  The  plaintiff  or  defendant  in 
a  lawsuit  found  it  easier  to  commit  to  memory  a 
speech  written  out  for  him  by  a  skilled  pleader 
than  to  learn  the  rhetorical  system  of  Corax  and 
construct  a  brief  upon  its  principles. 

Of  these  Athenian  speech-writers  or  logogra- 
phers,  as  they  were  called,  Antiphon  was  the  first  of 
prominence.  He  may  be  called  the  father  of  Attic 
oratory,  marking  the  transition  from  the  school  of 
rhetoric  to  the  forensic  pleading  of  the  law  courts. 
Antiphon  and  Thucydides  in  their  speeches  are  the 
foremost  representatives  of  the  austere  style  of 
oratory.  This  was  rugged,  and  sturdy,  and  crab- 
bed, bold  in  imagery,  dignified  in  diction,  and 
weighty  in  thought.  Antiphon's  strong  point  was 
argument,  in  which  he  carried  the  development  of 
the  topic  of  General  Probability  to  a  point  far  be- 
yond that  attained  by  Corax.  This  is  seen  espe- 
cially in  his  Tetralogies,  each  of  which  forms  a  set 
of  four  speeches,  supposed  to  have  been  spoken  in 
a  trial  for  homicide,  and  reminding  one  of  a  modern 
debate  carried  on  by  two  speakers  on  the  affirm- 
ative and  two  on  the  negative. 

In  Antiphon  and  Thucydides  are  strongly  marked 
the  tendencies  in  Attic  oratory  that  were  due  to  a 


lo  The  World's  Orators 

combination  of  the  forensic  rhetoric  of  Sicily  with 
the  popular  dialectic  of  the  Sophists. 

Antiphon  is  the  first  in  the  accepted  Canon  of 
the  Ten  Attic  Orators  drawn  up  by  Alexandrian 
grammarians  about  the  third  century  b.c.  An- 
docides  is  the  second  upon  the  Canon  ;  in  him 
we  see  a  return  to  the  form  of  eloquence  which 
preceded  the  artistic  stage.  He  is  a  good  repre- 
sentative of  the  class  of  ''natural  orators," — bold 
and  vigorous  in  delivery,  simple  and  inartificial  in 
the  arrangement  of  subject-matter,  plain  in  diction, 
gifted  in  narration  and  description.  Andocides  is 
of  especial  importance  because  of  the  stirring  events 
in  which  he  was  involved  and  which  largely  form 
the  subject-matter  of  his  speeches.  This  element 
of  interest  is  particularly  noticeable  in  his  oration 
on  the  Profanation  of  the  Mysteries. 

Lysias,  the  third  orator  upon  the  Canon,  repre- 
sents a  compromise  between  the  Gorgian  tend- 
ency to  artistic  prose  and  the  use  in  public  speech 
of  the  idiom  of  daily  life.  Lysias  used  the  lawyer's 
language  of  sober  prose  ;  and,  as  a  logographer, 
was  particularly  noted  for  his  power  of  adapting 
himself  to  the  characters  of  his  clients,  making 
the  ordinary  citizen  speak  according  to  his  per- 
sonal traits.  He  was  simple,  clear,  concise,  and 
vivid,  and  to  these  qualities  he  added  an  inde- 
scribable distinction,  which  the  ancient  critics 
called  his  ''charm."    "To  write  well,"  says  Di- 


The  Oratory  of  Ancient  Greece  1 1 

onysius,  'Ms  given  to  many  men  ;  but  to  write 
winningly,  gracefully,  with  loveliness,  is  the  gift 
of  Lysias."  His  speeches  written  for  his  clients 
possess  all  these  graces,  but  those  delivered  by 
Lysias  himself  exhibit  even  more  striking  traits. 
The  fragment  of  his  Olympiac  oration  shows  his 
powers  of  denunciation,  while  the  prosecution  of 
Eratosthenes,  the  legal  murderer  of  the  brother 
of  Lysias,  manifests  the  highest  qualities  of  elo- 
quence in  its  burning  pathos  and  irresistible  force. 

The  Gorgian  tendency  in  oratory  was  taken  up 
by  Isocrates,  fourth  on  the  Canon,  who  gives  to 
it  a  corrected,  a  complete,  and  a  permanent  form. 
Owing  to  weakness  of  body  and  deficiencies  of 
voice,  Isocrates  did  not  often  venture  into  the 
public  tribunal ;  his  chief  service  lay  in  his  school 
of  rhetoric,  and  the  tendencies  he  gave  to  Greek 
oratory.  He  is  the  artist  of  a  literary  rhetorical 
prose,  the  developer  and  perfecter  of  prose-rhythm. 
He  was,  furthermore,  the  orator  who  lifted  his 
art  out  of  the  courts  to  the  higher  level  of  State 
affairs  and  the  interests  of  Greek  citizenship,  striv- 
ing to  induce  his  fellow-Greeks  to  drop  their  differ- 
ences and  to  unite  in  a  common  effort  against 
Persia.  Isocrates  has  a  direct  interest  for  modern 
times  as  the  founder  of  that  style  which,  es- 
pecially through  the  prose  of  Cicero,  has  exercised 
so  permanent  an  influence  on  modern  literature. 

Isseus,  the  next  orator  of  the  Canon,  has  a  two- 


12  The  World's  Orators 

fold  interest  :  first,  he  was  the  most  perfect  master 
of  forensic  argument ;  second,  he  represented  the 
final  period  of  transition  in  the  history  of  Attic 
oratory, — the  transition  from  the  studied  plainness 
of  the  Lysian  school  to  the  elaboration  which 
reached  its  climax  in  the  orations  of  Demosthenes. 

Moreover  Is^us  is  of  peculiar  importance  in 
having  been  the  teacher  of  Demosthenes.  ''The 
oratorical  power  of  Demosthenes,"  says  Dionysius, 
''took  its  seeds  and  beginnings  from  Isasus."  Yet 
he  has  been  so  overshadowed  by  his  great  suc- 
cessor that  his  individual  excellencies  have  been 
overlooked. 

Is^us  was  a  professional  writer  of  speeches,  but 
he  was  a  specialist  in  the  law,  being  an  advocate 
in  matters  of  inheritance  and  property.  He  con- 
fined his  attention  to  private  causes,  in  which  he 
attained  distinguished  success.  He  has  been  de- 
scribed as  "  a  man  morally  persuasive  and  logically 
powerful,  versatile  in  arrangement,  elaborate  and 
systematic  in  proof,  apt  in  law,  and  keen  in  logic." 

We  have  thus  far  traced  the  development  of  that 
oratorical  prose  which  met  the  needs  of  the  law 
courts.  It  had  been  eminently  practical  in  its 
origin.  It  had  begun  with  a  statement  of  the 
rights  of  the  individual ;  and  in  the  effort  to  assert 
personal  rights  most  successfully,  great  clearness 
and  force  of  expression  had  been  acquired.  The 
dignified  style  of  Antiphon  and  Thucydides,  the 


The  Oratory  of  Ancient  Greece  13 

clear  and  graceful  expression  of  Lysias,  the  ornate 
diction  of  Isocrates,  the  terse  and  logical  manner 
of  Is^us,  had  demonstrated  the  possibilities  of 
forensic  speech,  and  oratory  needed  only  a  larger 
field  to  reach  its  full  flower  and  highest  expression. 

The  rights  of  the  individual  are  the  foundation 
of  the  larger  interests  and  rights  of  the  State. 
When  the  State  demands  the  services  of  public 
speech,  then  all  the  conditions  are  present  for  ora- 
tory to  reach  its  perfect  bloom.  And  when  de- 
liberative or  political  oratory  becomes  essential  to 
the  welfare  of  the  State,  the  successful  political 
orator  takes  as  models  the  masters  of  forensic  and 
epideictic  eloquence,  and  attains  excellence  by  a 
careful  study  of  a  Thucydides  or  an  Isocrates,  of  a 
Lysias  or  an  Is^us.  Thus  the  earlier  period  we 
have  been  considering  was  but  the  preparation  for 
the  great  era  of  political  eloquence,  the  era  of 
Demosthenes. 

The  history  of  public  speech  after  the  Pelo- 
ponnesian  War  presents  but  two  movements 
favorable  to  a  great  political  eloquence.  The  first 
was  about  the  year  378  b.c,  when  Athens  was 
restored  to  the  headship  of  the  Naval  League  and 
there  was  some  prospect  of  her  regaining  her 
former  power ;  when  there  arose  the  bitter  contest 
between  the  Boeotian  and  the  Anti-Boeotian  parties 
at  Athens.  Around  this  contest  cluster  the  names 
of  Callistratus  of  Aphidn^,  the  leader  of  the  Anti- 


14  The  World's  Orators 

Boeotian  party,  and  his  opponents,  Aristophon  of 
Azenia,  Leodamas  of  Acharnas,  Thrasybukis  and 
Cephakis  of  Collytus,  who  were  powerful  speakers 
and  the  representatives  of  a  purely  deliberative 
oratory.  No  orations  of  these  speakers  are  pre- 
served, but  from  meagre  notices  of  their  oratory  it 
may  be  inferred  that,  while  they  made  no  attempt 
at  artistic  perfection  of  form,  their  speeches  were 
characterized  by  bold  and  vigorous  argument. 

The  second  movement  marked  the  great  era  in 
political  eloquence  that  took  its  rise  in  the  ap- 
pearance of  Philip  of  Macedon  on  the  political 
horizon  of  Greece,  an  era  made  world-renowned 
by  the  names  of  Demosthenes  and  his  contem- 
poraries. 

Their  lot  was  cast  in  evil  times.  In  spite  of 
the  temporary  return  of  power  to  Athens  under 
the  Naval  League,  the  days  of  her  preeminence 
were  well-nigh  over.  Her  deepest  shame,  how- 
ever, was  not  in  the  loss  of  her  political  power ; 
it  was  in  the  degeneracy  of  her  citizens,  in  the 
overthrow  of  the  high  ideals  of  the  Periclean 
age.  The  Peloponnesian  War  had  been  most  dis- 
astrous in  its  effects  on  the  character  and  the  morals 
of  the  people.  It  had  sown  the  seed  of  discord, 
roused  evil  passions,  fostered  selfishness,  engen- 
dered immorality.  The  State  was  now  no  more 
the  all  in  all  of  the  citizens.  Confidence  and  faith 
in  the  patron  deities  had  declined.    The  very  foun- 


The  Oratory  of  Ancient  Greece  1 5 

dations  of  civil  government  had  been  shaken. 
Men  now  lived  for  themselves,  rather  than  for  the 
State. 

The  Athenians  had  become  a  pampered  and 
ease-loving  people.  They  still  gloried  in  their  an- 
cestors, but  this  did  not  lead  them  to  perform 
deeds  of  self-sacrifice  for  their  country.  They 
would  pass  patriotic  measures  in  the  Assembly, 
but  they  preferred  to  hire  mercenaries  to  do  their 
fighting  for  them  in  the  field.  Absorbed  in  the 
enjoyment  of  the  hour,  they  made  it  a  capital 
offence  to  propose  to  use,  in  any  great  emergency, 
the  fund  appropriated  to  supply  them  with  amuse- 
ments. 

The  decadence  of  literature  and  art  had  begun. 
But  decline  in  outward  prosperity  leads  ever  to  re- 
flection and  self-consciousness  ;  man  looks  within 
and  becomes  absorbed  in  his  own  moods  and 
emotions.  This  leads  to  the  rise  ot  philosophy. 
Periods  of  great  stress  and  danger  quicken  the 
sense  of  self-preservation,  acuteness,  and  skill  in 
looking  after  one's  own  affairs.  Hence,  in  such  a 
period  oratory  attains  its  perfect  flower. 

Not  only  internal  affairs  were  ominous  of  com- 
ing disasters.  The  course  of  events  throughout 
Greece  and  the  growth  of  a  neighboring  barbarian 
power  seemed  to  be  converging  to  one  inevitable 
result — the  extinction  of  Hellenic  freedom. 

At  the  age  of  twenty-four,  Philip  of  Macedon 


i6  The  World's  Orators 

ascended  the  throne.  This  crafty  prince  first 
crushed  his  enemies  at  home  and  enlarged  the 
boundaries  of  his  kingdom.  Successful  in  this,  he 
next  determined  on  the  conquest  of  Greece.  His 
policy  was  to  trim  off  the  outlying  States  and  col- 
onies one  by  one,  and  then  to  win  a  foothold  in 
Greece  itself. 

The  Sacred  War  (357-346  B.C.),  in  which  the 
Thessalians  invited  Philip  to  side  with  them 
against  the  Phocians,  gave  him  his  long-sought-for 
opportunity.  He  marched  his  army  into  Thessaly, 
vanquished  the  enemy,  became  the  champion  of 
the  Delphian  god,  and  was  admitted  to  a  seat  in 
the  great  Amphictyonic  Council.  The  liberties 
of  Athens  and  the  other  States  of  Greece  were 
threatened. 

Such  were  the  times  and  such  were  the  condi- 
tions that  ushered  in  the  period  of  Attic  Political 
Oratory. 

Athens  was  the  chief  obstacle  to  Philip's  pro- 
gress, and  Demosthenes  was  his  chief  opponent. 
But  Demosthenes  was  not  the  only  notable  figure 
of  this  momentous  era.  At  this  time  in  Athens 
there  were  three  political  parties,  the  Macedonian, 
Anti-Macedonian,  and  Independent.  The  third  of 
these  classes  consisted  of  men  of  integrity  and 
patriotism,  as  Phocion  and  Isocrates,  who  believed 
in  yielding  to  the  inevitable,  and  adopted  a  policy 
of  non-interference. 


The  Oratory  of  Ancient  Greece  1 7 

The  Anti-Macedonian  or  patriotic  party,  under 
the  leadership  of  Demosthenes,  had  from  time  to 
time  in  its  ranks  Lycurgus,  Hypereides,  and  Dei- 
narchus,  admitted  to  the  Canon  of  the  Ten  Attic 
Orators,  and  other  orators  who  offered  a  worthy 
resistance  to  the  Macedonian  power ;  among  them 
being  Hegesippus,  Polyeuctus,  and  Sphettus. 

Of  the  orators  of  the  Macedonian  party,  /^schi- 
nes  is  the  best  known;  next  to  him  in  importance 
was  Demades,  who,  after  the  destruction  of  Thebes, 
saved  Athens  from  the  wrath  of  Alexander.  Other 
orators  of  this  party  were  'Aristogeiton,  Pytheas, 
Callicrates,  and  Stratocles,  ''the  most  persuasive 
and  pernicious  of  men." 

Unfortunately,  the  speeches  of  most  of  the  ora- 
tors of  this  stirring  period  are  not  preserved,  and 
with  the  exception  of  a  speech  of  Hegesippus,  in- 
cluded among  the  works  of  Demosthenes,  and 
a  few  fragments  of  the  speeches  of  others,  our 
knowledge  of  the  political  eloquence  of  Athens  is 
confined  to  the  five  orators  of  the  Attic  Canon, — 
Demosthenes,  y^schines,  Lycurgus,  Hypereides, 
and  Deinarchus. 

The  extant  literature  of  Attic  Political  Oratory 
begins  with  the  speech  of  Demosthenes  on  the 
Navy  Boards  in  354  B.C.,  and  ends  with  the 
speeches  of  Deinarchus  against  Demosthenes, 
Aristogeiton,  and  Philocles  in  324  B.C. 

Deinarchus,  the  last  of  the  Canon  of  the  Ten 


i8  The  World's  Orators 

Attic  Orators,  may  be  set  aside  with  brief  mention. 
The  literary  critic  Dionysius  says  of  him,  that  he 
had  ''no  one  stamp  of  his  own — no  distinctive 
trait."  He  was  an  imitator  of  Demosthenes,  but 
so  coarse  and  imperfect  an  imitator  that  antiquity 
designated  him  as  ''the  rustic  Demosthenes,"  and 
still  more  sarcastically,  "  the  barley  Demosthenes," 
the  figure  suggesting  the  contrast  between  barley 
and  fine  wheat,  between  beer  and  wine;  he  was 
an  imitator  who  had  neither  the  flavor  nor  the 
sparkle  of  his  prototype.  Deinarchus  has  left  three 
speeches,  those  against  Demosthenes,  Aristogeiton, 
and  Philocles,  written  when  they  were  accused  of 
taking  bribes  from  Harpalus  in  324  B.C.  He  was 
far  inferior,  probably,  to  Demades,  of  the  Mace- 
donian party,  of  whose  eloquence  there  remain  a 
few  scanty  fragments. 

Lycurgus,  born  about  390  b.c,  a  few  years  be- 
fore Hypereides  and  Demosthenes,  was  a  noble 
and  public-spirited  patriot.  Of  the  noble  family  of 
the  EteobutadiE,  claiming  to  spring  from  Erech- 
theus,  his  moral  tone  was  that  of  older  Athens,  and 
his  spirit  showed  a  kinship  to  the  elder  poets  and 
tragedians.  During  a  period  of  twelve  years,  from 
338  to  326  B.C.,  he  was  steward  of  the  public 
treasury,  managing  the  finances  of  the  State  in 
such  a  way  as  to  make  them  suffice  for  the  defence 
and  for  the  embellishment  of  Athens.  Further- 
more, he  tried  to  check  the  downward  drift  of  his 


The  Oratory  of  Ancient  Greece  19 

age:  to  recall  his  countrymen  to  the  higher  recti- 
tude and  patriotism  of  the  past.  This  is  seen  in 
his  only  extant  oration,  that  against  Leocrates,  who 
deserted  his  native  city  after  the  battle  of  Chaer- 
onea.  He  is  somewhat  harsh  in  his  diction,  poeti- 
cal in  his  vocabulary  and  metaphors,  epideictic  in 
his  manner ;  yet  he  is  powerful  in  his  denunciation 
and  impressive  in  his  earnestness.  He  was  a  dili- 
gent student  of  Isocrates  and  the  tragedians,  and 
his  manner  combines  something  of  the  rigid 
stateliness  of  Antiphon  with  the  smoothness  and 
richness  of  Isocrates. 

Hypereides  forms  a  striking  contrast  to  Lycur- 
gus.  He  was  a  man  of  his  age,  a  loyal  and  ardent 
patriot,  a  true  son  of  the  changed  order.  He  was, 
throughout,  a  gentleman,  and  possessed  all  the 
careless  grace  and  polish  of  a  thorough  man  of  the 
world.  He  had  a  motto,  ''that  he  could  not  live 
beautifully  until  he  had  learned  what  beautiful 
things  there  were  in  life."  Catching  something  of 
the  elevated  tone  of  Isocrates,  his  master,  he  com- 
bines with  it  the  grace,  the  ease,  and  the  simplicity 
of  Lysias,  with  whom  he  showed  kinship  in  his 
humorous  temper  and  pleasure-loving  disposition. 

Fortunately,  he  is  known  to  us  from  a  number 
of  his  speeches,  preserved  in  whole  or  in  part. 
Hermogenes  condemns  his  style  because  of  its  col- 
loquialisms and  quotations  from  comedy,  and  says 
he  has  little  finish;  but  the  author  of  the  treatise 


20  The  World's  Orators 

On  the  Sublime  thinks  that  if  his  merits  were 
counted  instead  of  weighed,  he  would  outnumber 
Demosthenes  in  his  excellencies.  Dionysius  men- 
tions strength  of  diction,  simplicity  of  composition, 
tact  in  the  handling  of  subject-matter,  and  avoid- 
ance of  tragic  pomp  as  the  marks  of  Hypereides' 
style. 

In  y^schines,  the  great  opponent  of  Demos- 
thenes, we  have  a  reversion  to  the  type  of  Ando- 
cides  ;  though  y^schines  was  infinitely  superior  to 
Andocides  in  faculty,  and  possessed  in  far  greater 
measure  facility  in  composition  and  skill  in  de- 
clamation. The  point  of  similarity  is  that  both 
possessed  natural  gifts  of  spontaneous  eloquence, 
y^schines  prided  himself  on  his  familiarity  with 
the  tragic  poets,  for  his  education  had  been  largely 
acquired  on  the  stage.  He  was  third  actor  under 
the  eminent  protagonist  Theodorus,  but  he  stum- 
bled one  day,  making  a  fiasco  before  the  fastidi- 
ous Athenian  audience,  and  abandoned  the  stage, 
though  possessing  a  magnificent  voice,  unusual 
powers  of  expression,  and  great  vehemence  of 
manner. 

Turning  his  attention  to  politics,  he  acquired  a 
familiarity  with  the  laws  and  methods  of  public 
business  which  made  him  a  doughty  opponent. 
He  soon  took  sides  with  the  Macedonian  party, 
and  it  is  to  his  collisions  with  Demosthenes  that  he 
is  largely  indebted  for  the  celebrity  which  attaches 


The  Oratory  of  Ancient  Greece  2 1 

to  his  name.  His  first  contest  was  waged  on  the 
subject  of  the  Embassy  to  Philip,  of  which  both 
y^schines  and  Demosthenes  were  members;  and 
his  last  was  caused  by  the  matter  of  the  crown, 
which  brought  about  his  own  extinction.  Only 
three  of  the  speeches  of  y^schines  have  come 
down  to  us:  that  against  Timarchus,  that  on  the 
Embassy,  and  the  one  against  Ctesiphon. 

/Eschines  possesses  the  merit  of  impressive  and 
elevated  diction,  but  there  is  in  his  style  an  equal 
want  of  purity,  finish,  and  rhythm.  He  is  a  master 
of  sarcasm  and  caricature;  he  knows  how  to  over- 
whelm his  opponents,  but  not  with  the  originality 
of  Demosthenes.  He  is  excellent  in  his  narrative, 
but  rather  weak  and  uncertain  in  his  argument, 
i^schines  did  not  have  behind  his  eloquence  a 
great  and  noble  cause  to  plead  for,  nor  a  character 
inspired  by  noble  sentiments  and  on  fire  with  ear- 
nest conviction.  His  words  were  greater  than  his 
character.  It  was  his  lack  of  ethos,  or  moral  force, 
which  counteracted  his  marvellous  gift  of  speech. 

In  Demosthenes  we  have  the  culmination  of 
Greek  oratory,  the  grand  blending  and  perfecting 
of  all  that  had  gone  before  into  one  brilliant,  har- 
monious whole. 

In  355-354  B.C.  Demosthenes  entered  upon  his 
strenuous  public  life.  We  have  briefly  sketched 
the  times  and  conditions  that  confronted  him  as 
orator  and  statesman.    Realizing  the  great  and 


22  The  World's  Orators 

perilous  situation  which  faced  his  country,  he  early 
formed  the  dominant  purpose  of  his  life:  the  or- 
ganization of  a  Panhellenic  league  with  Athens  at 
its  head,  in  order  to  preserve  the  Greek  States  from 
the  control  of  the  Macedonian  power. 

It  has  been  truly  said  that  Philip  formed  the  po- 
litical character  of  Demosthenes.  By  his  splendid 
gifts  as  an  orator  and  statesman  he  was  repeatedly 
able  to  thwart  the  plans  of  that  wily  monarch.  He 
kept  the  Athenians  from  weakly  yielding  to  his 
power ;  he  roused  them  to  indignation,  and  frus- 
trated the  bold  attempt  of  Philip  to  seize  the  fa- 
mous pass  of  Thermopylas,  the  key  of  Greece  ;  he 
united  the  bitter,  hereditary  enemies,  Athens  and 
Thebes,  in  one  desperate  but  unsuccessful  struggle, 
at  Ch^ronea,  against  the  common  enemy  of  Grec- 
ian liberty.  The  series  of  great  speeches  relating 
to  Philip — the  three  Philippics ;  the  three  Olyn- 
thiacs;  On  the  Peace;  On  the  Embassy;  On  the 
Chersonese — show  increasing  power  and  earnest- 
ness as  the  encroachments  of  Philip  became  more 
and  more  marked.  Except  during  a  brief  period 
of  disfavor,  Demosthenes  practically  regulated  the 
affairs  of  Athens  until  his  death  in  322  B.C. 

In  consideration  of  his  many  important  public 
services,  Ctesiphon,  shortly  after  the  battle  of 
Ch^ronea,  proposed  to  decree  to  Demosthenes  a 
crown  of  gold.  The  reward  was  opposed  by  J^s- 
chines,  who  maintained  that  the  proposal  was 


The  Oratory  of  Ancient  Greece  23 

illegal  and  brought  a  suit  against  Ctesiphon,  which 
was  intended  to  overthrow  Demosthenes.  The 
famous  prosecution  commenced  in  338  B.C.,  but 
the  trial  was  delayed  eight  years.  At  length  it 
was  held.  People  gathered  from  all  parts  of  Greece 
to  be  present  at  the  greatest  combat  of  eloquence 
that  the  world  has  ever  witnessed — for  Demos- 
thenes was  to  reply  to  .^schines.  The  harangue 
of  y^schines  was  powerful  and  sarcastic;  but  the 
eloquence  of  Demosthenes  was  irresistible  as  a 
mountain  torrent,  and  his  enemy  had  to  retire 
into  exile.  The  speech  of  Demosthenes  On  the 
Crown  has  been  universally  regarded  as  the  su- 
preme attainment  of  eloquence  in  the  history  of 
oratory. 

The  oratory  of  Demosthenes  continued,  com- 
bined, and  perfected  all  that  had  been  excellent  in 
the  earlier  types  of  Attic  eloquence.  He  was  a 
consummate  artist,  but  his  was  an  art  that  cannot 
be  analyzed.  We  can  see  here  and  there  in  his 
speeches  reminiscences  of  the  earlier  orators,  but 
all  that  he  had  gained  from  the  close  study  of  his 
predecessors  is  so  blended  and  transformed  by  his 
own  original  creative  power  that  the  reader  loses 
sight  of  literary  effort  and  technical  skill  in  his  ad- 
miration for  the  moral  earnestness  and  merciless 
directness  of  his  eloquence. 

Nor  is  it  possible  in  our  final  judgment  of  De- 
mosthenes to  separate  the  orator  from  the  states- 


24  The  World's  Orators 

man.  One  cannot  consider  his  oratory  apart  from 
the  noble,  losing  cause  for  which  he  pleaded.  To 
this  cause  he  brought  an  intense  personality,  en- 
dowed with  high  intellectual  gifts,  lofty  morality, 
and  a  burning  temperament,  all  of  which  contrib- 
uted to  the  supreme  characteristic  of  his  oratory, 
demotes,  the  nameless  energy  of  the  ancient 
critics,  produced  by  the  union  of  close  practical 
reasoning  and  intense  passion. 

In  Demosthenes  Grecian  eloquence  found  its 
culmination.  Thenceforth  there  was  steady  de- 
terioration until  the  days  of  the  Greek  Renaissance, 
when  it  again  assumed  fair  proportions,  though 
never  equal  to  those  which  it  had  known  in  the 
elder  days.  Then  the  day  of  final  decadence  set 
in  ;  casuistry  and  word  -  play  usurped  the  place  of 
power  and  grace  ;  and  with  the  decline  of  patriot- 
ism, letters,  statecraft,  and  military  spirit,  came 
that  of  oratory.  The  national  genius  became 
enervated  by  luxury  and  cowed  by  tyranny,  and 
Agora  and  Areopagus  gradually  lost  their  pristine 
glory,  until  they  at  last  became  deserted,  and  of 
their  former  glory  nothing  remained  but  a  name, 
while  they  themselves  were  prey  to  the  powers 
of  silence  and  desolation. 


ii: 


iij^jji^.-'  ,,iy> 


Jj#«''»!2fli-v,i, 


Homer. 

Fioiii  llw  bust  ill  llw  Gallery  of  llh-  Louvre,  Parii. 


^SiiH^ 


THE  HOMERIC  ACHILLES 

The  ninth  book  of  the  Iliad  gives  an  account  of  the  em- 
bassy sent  by  Agamemnon  to  the  offended  hero  Achilles  to 
prevail  on  him  to  enter  once  more  inti  the  conflict  and  save 
the  Achasans  from  impending  defeat.  It  contains  the  speeches 
of  the  envoys,  Phoenix,  Ajax,  and  Odysseus,  and  the  replies  of 
Achilles,  all  exhibiting  traits  of  the  truest  eloquence.  We  here 
present  the  reply  of  Achilles  to  Odysseus  as  perhaps  the 
noblest  example  of  Homeric  oratory. 


25 


^M 

^^^^ 

y^^^^^^ 

kl 

hB^^^5^^^^i 

^^ 

Sr? 

1 

ACHILLES  TO  THE  ENVOYS 

Homer. 

HEAVEN-SPRUNG  son  of  Laertes,  Odysseus  of 
many  wiles,  in  openness  must  I  now  declare 
unto  you  my  saying,  even  as  I  am  minded  and  as 
the  fulfilment  thereof  shall  be,  that  ye  may  not  sit 
before  me  and  coax  this  way  and  that.  For  hate- 
ful to  me  even  as  the  gates  of  hell  is  he  that  hideth 
one  thing  in  his  heart  and  uttereth  another;  but  I 
will  speak  what  meseemeth  best.  Not  me,  I  ween, 
shall  Agamemnon,  son  of  Atreus,  persuade,  nor  the 
other  Danaans,  seeing  we  were  to  have  no  thank 
for  battling  with  the  foeman  ever  without  respite. 
He  that  abideth  at  home  hath  equal  share  with  him 
that  Tightest  his  best,  and  in  like  honor  are  held  both 
the  coward  and  the  brave ;  death  cometh  alike  to  the 
untoiling  and  to  him  that  hath  toiled  long.  Neither 
have  I  any  profit  for  that  I  endured  tribulation  of 
soul,  ever  staking  my  life  in  fight.  Even  as  a  hen 
bringeth  her  unfledged  chickens  each  morsel  as  she 
winneth  it,  and  with  herself  it  goeth  hard,  even  so 

I  was  wont  to  watch  out  many  a  sleepless  night 

27 


28  The  World's  Orators 

and  pass  through  many  bloody  days  of  battle,  war- 
ring with  folk  for  their  women's  sake.  Twelve 
cities  of  men  have  I  laid  waste  from  shipboard, 
and  from  land  eleven,  I  do  you  to  wit,  throughout 
deep-soiled  Troy-land;  out  of  all  these  took  I  many 
goodly  treasures,  and  would  bring  and  give  them  all 
to  Agamemnon,  son  of  Atreus,  and  he  staying  be- 
hind amid  the  tleet  ships  would  take  them  and  por- 
tion out  some  few  but  keep  the  most.  Now,  some 
he  gave  to  be  meeds  of  honor  to  the  princes  and  the 
kings,  and  theirs  are  left  untouched;  only  from  me 
of  all  the  Achaians  took  he  my  darling  lady  and 
keepeth  her — let  him  sleep  beside  her  and  take  his 
joy.  But  why  must  the  Argives  make  war  on  the 
Trojans  ?  why  hath  Atreides  gathered  his  host  and 
led  them  hither  ?  is  it  not  for  lovely-haired  Helen's 
sake  ?  Do  then  the  sons  of  Atreus  alone  of  mortal 
men  love  their  wives  ?  Surely,  whatsoever  man  is 
good  and  sound  of  mind  loveth  his  own  and  cher- 
isheth  her,  even  as  I  too  loved  mine  with  all  my 
heart,  though  but  the  captive  of  my  spear.  But 
now  that  he  hath  taken  my  meed  of  honor  from 
mine  arms  and  hath  deceived  me,  let  him  not 
tempt  me  that  know  him  full  well;  he  shall  not  pre- 
vail. Nay,  Odysseus,  let  him  take  counsel  with 
thee  and  all  the  princes  to  ward  from  the  ships 
the  consuming  fire.  Verily  without  mine  aid  he 
hath  wrought  many  things,  and  built  a  wall  and 
dug  a  foss  about  it  wide  and  deep,  and  set  a  pali- 


Achilles  to  the  Envoys  29 

sade  therein;  yet  even  so  can  he  not  stay  murder- 
ous Hector's  might.  But  so  long  as  I  was  fighting 
amid  the  Achaians,  Hector  had  no  mind  to  array 
his  battle  far  from  the  wall,  but  scarce  came  unto 
the  Skaian  gates  and  to  the  oak  tree;  there  once  he 
awaited  me  alone  and  scarce  escaped  my  onset. 
But  now,  seeing  1  have  no  mind  to  fight  with  noble 
Hector,  I  will  to-morrow  do  sacrifice  to  Zeus  and 
all  the  gods,  and  store  well  my  ships  when  I  have 
launched  them  on  the  salt  seas — then  shalt  thou 
see,  if  thou  wilt  and  hast  any  care  therefor,  my 
ships  sailing  at  break  of  day  over  Hellespont,  the 
fishes'  home,  and  my  men  right  eager  at  the  oar; 
and  if  the  great  Shaker  of  the  earth  grant  me  good 
journey,  on  the  third  day  should  I  reach  deep-soiled 
Phthia.  There  are  my  great  possessions  that  I  left 
when  I  came  hither  to  my  hurt;  and  yet  more  gold 
and  ruddy  bronze  shall  I  bring  from  hence,  and 
fair-girdled  women  and  gray  iron,  all  at  least  that 
were  mine  by  lot;  only  my  meed  of  honor  hath  he 
that  gave  it  me  taken  back  in  his  despitefulness, 
even  Lord  Agamemnon,  son  of  Atreus.  To  him 
declare  ye  everything  even  as  I  charge  you,  openly, 
that  all  the  Achaians  likewise  may  have  indigna- 
tion, if  haply  he  hopeth  to  beguile  yet  some  other 
Danaan,  for  that  he  is  ever  clothed  in  shameless- 
ness.  Verily  not  in  my  face  would  he  dare  to  look, 
though  he  have  the  front  of  a  dog.  Neither  will  I 
devise  counsel  with  him  nor  any  enterprise,  for 


30  The  World's  Orators 

utterly  he  hath  deceived  me  and  done  wickedly; 
but  never  again  shall  he  beguile  me  with  fair 
speech — let  this  suffice  him.  Let  him  begone  in 
peace;  Zeus  the  lord  of  counsel  hath  taken  away  his 
wits.  Hateful  to  me  are  his  gifts,  and  I  hold  him 
at  a  straw's  worth.  Not  even  if  he  gave  me  ten 
times,  yea  twenty,  all  that  now  is  his,  and  all  that 
may  come  to  him  otherwhence,  even  all  the  rev- 
enue of  Orchomenos  or  Egyptian  Thebes  where  the 
treasure-houses  are  stored  fullest— Thebes  of  the 
hundred  gates,  whence  sally  forth  two  hundred 
warriors  through  each  with  horses  and  chariots — 
nay,  nor  gifts  in  number  as  sand  or  dust;  not  even 
so  shall  Agamemnon  persuade  my  soul  till  he  have 
paid  me  back  all  the  bitter  despite.  And  the  daugh- 
ter of  Agamemnon,  son  of  Atreus,  will  I  not  wed, 
not  were  she  rival  of  golden  Aphrodite  for  fairness 
and  for  handiwork  matched  bright-eyed  Athene — 
not  even  then  will  I  wed  her;  let  him  choose  him 
of  the  Achaians  another  that  is  his  peer  and  is  more 
royal  than  I.  For  if  the  gods  indeed  preserve  me 
and  I  come  unto  my  home,  then  will  Peleus  him- 
self seek  me  a  wife.  Many  Achaian  maidens  are 
there  throughout  Hellas  and  Phthia,  daughters  of 
princes  that  ward  their  cities;  whomsoever  of  these 
I  wish  will  1  make  my  dear  lady.  Very  often  was 
my  high  soul  moved  to  take  me  there  a  wedded 
wife,  a  help  meet  for  me,  and  have  joy  of  the  pos- 
sessions that  the  old  man  Peleus  possesseth.     For 


The  Apotheosis  of  Homer 

From  a  c^st  in  the  Boston  Museunt. 


Achilles  to  the  Envoys  31 

not  of  like  worth  with  life  hold  I  even  all  the 
wealth  that  men  say  was  possessed  of  the  well- 
peopled  city  of  Ilios  in  days  of  peace  gone  by,  be- 
fore the  sons  of  the  Achaians  came;  neither  all  the 
treasure  that  the  stone  threshold  of  the  archer 
Phoebus  Apollo  encompasseth  in  rocky  Pytho.  For 
kine  and  goodly  flocks  are  to  be  had  for  the  harry- 
ing, and  tripods  and  chestnut  horses  for  the  pur- 
chasing; but  to  bring  back  man's  life  neither 
harrying  nor  earning  availeth  when  once  it  hath 
passed  the  barrier  of  his  lips.  For  thus  my  goddess 
mother  telleth  me,  Thetis,  the  silver-footed,  that 
twain  fates  are  bearing  me  to  the  issue  of  death.  If 
I  abide  here  and  besiege  the  Trojans'  city,  then  my 
returning  home  is  taken  from  me,  but  my  fame 
shall  be  imperishable;  but  if  I  go  home  to  my  dear 
native  land,  my  high  fame  is  taken  from  me,  but 
my  life  shall  endure  long  while,  neither  shall  the 
issue  of  death  soon  reach  me.  Moreover,  I  would 
counsel  you  all  to  set  sail  homeward,  seeing  ye 
shall  never  reach  your  goal  of  steep  Ilios;  of  a 
surety,  far-seeing  Zeus  holdeth  his  hand  over  her 
and  her  folk  are  of  good  courage.  So  you  go  your 
way  and  tell  my  answer  to  the  princes  of  the 
Achaians,  even  as  is  the  office  of  elders,  that  they 
may  devise  in  their  hearts  some  better  counsel, 
such  as  shall  save  them  their  ships  and  the  host  of 
the  Achaians  amid  the  hollow  ships;  since  this 
counsel  availeth  them  naught  that  they  have  now 


J 


32  The  World's  Orators 

devised  by  reason  of  my  fierce  wrath.  But  let 
Phoinix  now  abide  with  us  and  lay  him  to  rest, 
that  he  may  follow  with  me  on  my  ships  to  our 
dear  native  land  to-morrow,  if  he  will;  for  I  will 
not  take  him  perforce. 

Translated  by  Walter  Leaf,  Litt.D.,  for  "  The 
Iliad  of  Homer, ' '  published  by  Macmillan  &-  Co. 
Reprinted  by  permission. 


PRODICUS 

Prodicus  of  Ceos  was  one  of  the  early  Sophists  who,  as 
the  teachers  of  an  encyclopaedic  culture,  did  much  to  prepare 
the  way  for  Attic  oratory.  Xenophon  gives  in  the  Memora- 
bilia a  paraphrase  of  The  Choice  of  Hercules  as  related  by 
Prodicus  in  a  work  entitled  The  Seasons  of  Life,  which 
was  read  publicly  by  the  Sophist  in  the  cities  he  visited. 
This  allegory  has  been  frequently  accepted  and  imitated  by 
later  writers, — by  Maximus  Tyrius,  by  Themistius,  by  Lucian 
and  Philo;  and  has  been  paraphrased  in  Latin,  French,  Ger- 
man, and  English.  It  is  the  most  beautiful  monument  extant 
of  the  eloquence  and  teaching  of  the  Sophists. 


VOL.  I — 3. 

33 


THE  CHOICE  OF  HERCULES 

Prodicus. 

HERCULES,  when  he  was  advancing  from 
boyhood  to  manhood,  a  period  at  which 
the  young,  becoming  their  own  masters,  begin  to 
give  intimations  whether  they  will  enter  on  life  by 
the  path  of  virtue  or  that  of  vice,  went  forth  into  a 
solitary  place  and  sat  down,  perplexed  as  to  which 
of  these  two  paths  he  should  pursue ;  and  two 
female  figures  of  lofty  stature  seemed  to  advance 
towards  him,  the  one  of  an  engaging  and  graceful 
mien,  gifted  by  nature  with  elegance  of  form,  mod- 
esty of  look,  and  sobriety  of  demeanor,  and  clad  in 
a  white  robe ;  the  other  fed  to  plumpness  and 
softness,  but  assisted  by  art  both  in  her  com- 
plexion, so  as  to  seem  fairer  and  rosier  than  she 
really  was,  and  in  her  gesture,  so  as  to  seem  taller 
than  her  natural  height ;  she  had  eyes  that  stared 
boldly,  and  a  robe  through  which  her  beauty 
would  readily  show  itself;  she  frequently  contem- 
plated her  figure  and  looked  about  to  see  if  any 
one  else  was  observing  her,  and  she  frequently 

35 


36  The  World's  Orators 

glanced  back  at  her  own  shadow.  As  they 
approached  nearer  to  Hercules,  she,  whom  I  first 
described,  came  forward  at  the  same  pace,  but  the 
other,  eager  to  get  before  her,  ran  up  to  Hercules 
and  exclaimed : ' '  I  see  that  you  are  hesitating,  Hercu- 
les, by  what  path  you  shall  enter  upon  life ;  if,  then, 
you  make  a  friend  of  me,  I  will  conduct  you  by  the 
most  delightful  and  easy  road,  and  you  shall  taste 
of  every  species  of  pleasure  and  lead  a  life  free  from 
every  sort  of  trouble.  In  the  first  place  you  shall 
take  no  thought  of  war  or  State  affairs,  but  shall 
pass  your  time  considering  what  meat  or  drink  you 
may  find  to  gratify  your  appetite,  what  you  may 
delight  yourself  by  seeing  or  hearing,  what  you 
may  be  pleased  with  smelling  or  touching,  with 
what  objects  of  affection  you  may  have  most 
pleasure  in  associating,  how  you  may  sleep  most 
softly,  and  how  you  may  secure  all  these  enjoy- 
ments with  the  least  degree  of  trouble.  If  an 
apprehension  of  want  of  means  by  which  such 
delights  may  be  obtained  should  ever  arise  in  you, 
there  is  no  fear  that  I  should  urge  you  to  procure 
them  by  toil  or  suffering,  either  of  body  or  mind  ; 
but  you  shall  enjoy  what  others  acquire  by  labor, 
abstaining  from  nothing  by  which  it  may  be  possi- 
ble to  profit,  for  1  give  my  followers  liberty  to 
benefit  themselves  from  any  source  whatever." 

Hercules,  on  hearing  this  address,  said,  "And 
what,  O  woman,  is  your  name  ?  "    "  My  friends," 


The  Choice  of  Hercules  37 

she  replied,  ''call  me  Happiness,  but  those  who 
hate  me  give  me,  to  my  disparagement,  the  name 
of  Vice." 

In  the  meantime  the  other  female  approached 
and  said  :  ''  I  also  am  come  to  address  you,  Hercu- 
les, because  1  know  your  parents  and  have 
observed  your  disposition  in  the  training  of  your 
childhood,  from  which  I  entertain  hopes  that  if 
you  direct  your  steps  along  the  path  that  leads  to 
my  dwelling  you  will  become  an  excellent  per- 
former of  whatever  is  honorable  and  noble,  and  that 
I  shall  appear  more  honorable  and  attractive  through 
your  illustrious  deeds.  I  will  not  deceive  you, 
however,  with  promises  of  pleasure,  but  will  set 
before  you  things  as  they  really  are  and  as  the 
gods  have  appointed  them  ;  for  of  what  is  valu- 
able and  excellent  the  gods  grant  nothing  to  man- 
kind without  labor  and  care ;  and  if  you  wish  the 
gods,  therefore,  to  be  propitious  to  you,  you  must 
worship  the  gods ;  if  you  seek  to  be  beloved  by 
your  friends,  you  must  serve  your  friends  ;  if  you 
desire  to  be  honored  by  any  city,  you  must  benefit 
that  city  ;  if  you  long  to  be  admired  by  all  Greece 
for  your  merit,  you  must  endeavor  to  be  of  advan- 
tage to  all  Greece  ;  if  you  are  anxious  that  the  earth 
should  yield  you  abundance  of  fruit,  you  must  cul- 
tivate the  earth ;  if  you  think  that  you  should 
enrich  yourself  from  herds  of  cattle,  you  must 
bestow  care  upon  herds  of  cattle ;  if  you  are  eager 


38  The  World's  Orators 

to  increase  your  means  by  war,  and  to  secure  free- 
dom to  your  friends  and  subdue  your  enemies, 
you  must  learn  the  arts  of  war,  and  learn  them 
from  such  as  understand  them,  and  practise  how 
to  use  them  with  advantage  ;  or  if  you  wish  to  be 
vigorous  in  body,  you  must  accustom  your  body  to 
obey  your  mind,  and  exercise  it  with  toil  and 
exertion." 

Here  Vice,  interrupting  her  speech,  said,  "Do 
you  see,  Hercules,  by  how  difficult  and  tedious  a 
road  this  woman  conducts  you  to  gratification, 
while  I  shall  lead  you  by  an  easy  and  short  path  to 
perfect  happiness  ?  " 

''Wretched  being,"  rejoined  Virtue,  ''of  what 
good  are  you  in  possession  ?  Or  what  real  pleasure 
do  you  experience,  when  you  are  unwilling  to  do 
anything  for  the  attainment  of  it  ?  You,  who  do 
not  even  wait  for  the  natural  desire  of  gratification, 
but  fill  yourself  with  all  manner  of  dainties  before 
you  have  an  appetite  for  them,  eating  before  you 
are  hungry,  drinking  before  you  are  thirsty,  pro- 
curing cooks  that  you  may  eat  with  pleasure,  buy- 
ing costly  wines  that  you  may  drink  with  pleasure, 
and  running  about  seeking  for  snow  in  summer ; 
while  in  order  to  sleep  with  pleasure  you  prepare 
not  only  soft  beds,  but  couches,  and  rockers  under 
your  couches,  for  you  do  not  desire  sleep  in  conse- 
quence of  labor,  but  in  consequence  of  having 
nothing  to  do ;  you  force  the  sensual  inclinations 


The  Choice  of  Hercules  39 

before  they  require  gratification,  using  every  species 
of  contrivance  for  the  purpose,  and  abusing  male 
and  female ;  for  thus  it  is  that  you  treat  your 
friends,  insulting  their  modesty  at  night  and  mak- 
ing them  sleep  away  the  most  useful  part  of  their 
day.  Though  you  are  one  of  the  immortals,  you 
are  cast  out  from  the  society  of  the  gods  and 
despised  by  the  good  among  mankind  ;  the  sweet- 
est of  all  sounds,  the  praises  of  yourself,  you  have 
never  heard,  nor  have  you  ever  seen  the  most 
pleasing  of  all  sights,  for  you  have  never  beheld 
one  meritorious  work  of  your  own  hand.  Who 
would  believe  you  when  you  give  your  word  for 
anything?  Or  who  would  assist  you  when  in  need 
of  anything?  Or  who,  that  has  proper  feeling,  would 
venture  to  join  your  company  of  revellers?  for 
while  they  are  young  they  grow  impotent  in  body, 
and  when  they  are  older  they  are  impotent  in 
mind ;  they  live  without  labor  and  in  fatness 
through  their  youth,  and  pass  laboriously  and  in 
wretchedness  through  old  age,  ashamed  of  what 
they  have  done,  oppressed  with  what  they  have 
to  do,  having  run  through  their  pleasures  in  early 
years  and  laid  up  afflictions  for  the  close  of  life. 
But  I  am  the  companion  of  the  gods ;  1  associate 
with  virtuous  men ;  no  honorable  deed,  divine  or 
human,  is  done  without  me ;  I  am  honored  most 
of  all  by  the  deities  and  by  those  among  men  to 
v/hom  it  belongs  to  honor  me,  being  a  welcome 


40  The  World's  Orators 

cooperator  with  artisans,  a  faithful  household 
guardian  to  masters,  a  benevolent  assistant  to 
servants,  a  benign  promoter  of  the  labors  of  peace, 
a  constant  auxiliary  to  the  efforts  of  war,  an  excel- 
lent sharer  in  friendship.  My  friends  have  a  sweet 
and  untroubled  enjoyment  of  meat  and  drink,  for 
they  refrain  from  them  till  they  feel  an  appetite. 
They  have  also  sweeter  sleep  than  the  idle,  and 
are  neither  annoyed  if  they  lose  a  portion  of  it,  nor 
neglect  to  do  their  duties  for  the  sake  of  it.  The 
young  are  pleased  with  praises  from  the  old ;  the 
old  are  delighted  with  honors  from  the  young. 
They  remember  their  former  acts  with  pleasure, 
and  rejoice  to  perform  their  present  occupations 
with  success,  being  through  my  influence  dear  to 
the  gods,  beloved  by  their  friends,  and  honored  by 
their  country.  And  when  the  destined  end  of  life 
comes,  they  do  not  lie  in  oblivion  or  dishonor,  but, 
celebrated  with  songs  of  praise,  flourish  forever  in 
the  memory  of  mankind.  By  such  a  course  of 
conduct,  O  Hercules,  son  of  noble  parents,  you 
may  secure  the  most  exalted  happiness." 

Translated  by  Rev.  J.  S.  IVatson,  M.A.,  M.R.S.L., 

for  the  ' '  Memorabilia, ' '  published  by   George 
Bell  &-  Sons,  London.     Reprinted  by  permission. 


GORGIAS 

Gorgias,  a  Greek  Sophist  and  Rhetorician,  born  about  485 
B.C.,  was  a  native  of  Leontini  in  Sicily.  He  is  said  to  have 
been  a  pupil  of  the  philosopher  Empedocles.  In  427  B.C. 
he  came  to  Athens,  on  an  embassy  from  his  native  city,  to 
implore  aid  against  the  Syracusans.  The  tlnished  style  of  his 
speaking  captivated  his  Athenian  audience.  He  later,  as  other 
Sophists,  travelled  throughout  Greece,  training  a  large  num- 
ber of  pupils  in  the  art  of  oratory.  He  died  at  Larissa  in 
Thessaly  in  his  hundred  and  fifth  year. 

Gorgias  first  applied  prose-rhythm,  poetic  diction  and  florid 
antithesis  to  oratory.  He  gave  little  attention  to  invention 
and  arrangement. 

Two  works  which  are  ascribed  to  him  are  now  generally 
admitted  to  be  later  imitations — the  Apology  of  Palamedes 
and  the  Encomium  of  Helen.  The  only  genuine  fragment 
of  any  length  is  that  from  the  Funeral  Oration,  a  translation  of 
which  is  here  presented. 

The  Greek  text  of  the  Palamedes  and  the  Helen  is  edited 
by  Blass,  Teubner,  1892;  the  fragment  of  the  Funeral  Oration 
is  in  Baiter  and  Sauppe,  Oratores  Attici,  ii.,  p.  218,  On 
Gorgias'  relation  to  Greek  oratory,  see  Blass,  Attische  Bered- 
samkeit,  i.,  pp.  44-72  ;  R.  C.  Jebb,  Attic  Orators,  i.,  pp, 
123-128. 


41 


FUNERAL  ORATION 

Gorgias. 

FOR  what  was  there  lacking  to  these  men  which 
good  men  ought  to  possess?  And  what 
qualities  did  they  possess  which  men  ought  not  to 
possess?  Would  that  I  were  able  to  say  what 
1  wish,  would  that  I  wished  to  say  what  1  ought, 
escaping  divine  Nemesis  and  avoiding  human  jeal- 
ousy !  For  these  men  possessed  valor  divinely 
given,  and  mortality  as  a  human  inheritance, 
preferring  by  far  sweet  reasonableness  to  arbitrary 
justice,  by  far  the  rectitude  of  speech  to  the  sever- 
ity of  law.  They  deemed  this  the  most  divine 
and  the  most  common  law, — to  do  the  right  thing 
at  the  right  time, — both  in  speaking  and  in  keeping 
silence,  both  in  action  and  in  refraining  from  action. 
They  employed  especially  the  two  essential  facul- 
ties of  judgment  and  strength,  by  consulting  the 
one  and  exercising  the  other ;  serving  the  unjustly 
unfortunate,  punishing  the  undeservedly  fortunate; 
arbitrary  with  respect  to  the  advantageous ;  well 
disposed  toward  the  becoming,  moderating  the 

43 


44  The  World's  Orators 

imprudence  of  strength  with  the  caution  of  judg- 
ment ;  arrogant  toward  the  arrogant,  well-behaved 
toward  the  well-behaved,  fearless  among  the  fear- 
less, facing  peril  bravely  in  perils.  As  testimonies 
of  these  virtues  they  have  erected  trophies  taken 
from  the  enemy,  and  set  up  images  of  Zeus,  as 
well  as  their  own  votive  offerings,  ignorant  neither 
of  inborn  valor,  nor  of  lawful  love,  nor  of  armed 
strife  nor  beauty-loving  peace ;  reverential  toward 
the  gods  with  justice,  dutiful  toward  parents  with 
devotion,  just  toward  their  fellow-citizens  with 
equity,  faithful  to  their  friends  with  fidelity.  Ac- 
cordingly, though  they  are  dead,  desire  for  them 
has  not  died  with  them,  but  lives  immortal  in  the 
incorporeal  bodies  of  immortal  men. 

Translated  for  this  volume  by  Mitchell  Carroll, 
Ph.D.,  Professor  in  the  Columbian  University, 


THUCYDIDES 

The  speeches  of  Thucydides  (471-401  B.C.)  constitute  a 
significant  feature  of  his  history  of  the  Peloponnesian  War. 
The  historian  had  much  in  common  with  the  orators  of  his 
time,  and  later  exerted  a  most  profound  influence  on  Greek 
eloquence.  Of  the  forty-one  speeches,  one  is  panegyrical, 
the  Funeral  Oration  of  Pericles  ;  thirty-eight  are  hortatory  ; 
and  two  are  forensic.  Most  of  these  bear  the  stamp  of  the 
Sicilian  Rhetoric.  Thucydides  and  Antiphon  are  linked  as 
representatives  of  the  "austere  style." 

The  best  known  of  all  the  speeches  is  undoubtedly  the 
Funeral  Oration  of  Pericles  ;  this  presents  the  ideas  of  Pericles 
with  essential  fidelity,  but  represents  a  type  of  oratory  not 
so  fully  developed  until  after  his  death.  (See  essay  by  Jebb 
on  the  Speeches  of  Thucydides,  in  Evelyn  Abbott's  Hellenica.) 


45 


FUNERAL    ORATION    ATTRIBUTED    TO 
PERICLES 

In  honor  of  the  Athenian  citizens  who  had  fallen  on  the  field  of  battle  in  the 
first  summer  of  the  Peloponnesian  War. 

Thucydides. 

MOST  of  those  who  have  spoken  here  before  me 
have  commended  the  lawgiver  who  added 
this  oration  to  our  other  funeral  customs ;  it  seemed 
to  them  a  worthy  thing  that  such  an  honor  should 
be  given  at  their  burial  to  the  dead  who  had  fallen 
on  the  field  of  battle.  But  I  should  have  preferred 
that,  when  men's  deeds  have  been  brave,  they 
should  be  honored  in  deed  only,  and  with  such  an 
honor  as  this  public  funeral,  which  you  are  now 
witnessing.  Then  the  reputation  of  many  would 
not  have  been  imperilled  on  the  eloquence  or  want 
of  eloquence  of  one,  and  their  virtues  believed 
or  not,  as  he  spoke  well  or  ill.  For  it  is  difficult 
to  say  neither  too  little  or  too  much  ;  and  even 
moderation  is  apt  not  to  give  the  impression  of 
truthfulness.    The  friend  of  the  dead  who  knows 

47 


48  The  World's  Orators 

the  facts  is  likely  to  think  that  the  words  of  the 
speaker  fall  short  of  his  knowledge  and  of  his 
wishes ;  another  who  is  not  so  well  informed, 
when  he  hears  of  anything  which  surpasses  his 
own  powers,  will  be  envious  and  will  suspect 
exaggeration.  Mankind  are  tolerant  of  the  praises 
of  others  so  long  as  each  hearer  thinks  that  he 
can  do  as  well  or  nearly  as  well  himself ;  but,  when 
the  speaker  rises  above  him,  jealousy  is  aroused, 
and  he  begins  to  be  incredulous.  However,  since 
our  ancestors  have  set  the  seal  of  their  approval 
upon  the  practice,  I  must  obey,  and  to  the  utmost 
of  my  power  shall  endeavor  to  satisfy  the  wishes 
and  beliefs  of  all  who  hear  me. 

I  will  speak  first  of  our  ancestors,  for  it  is  right 
and  becoming  that  now,  when  we  are  lamenting 
the  dead,  a  tribute  should  be  paid  to  their  memory. 
There  has  never  been  a  time  when  they  did  not 
inhabit  this  land,  which  by  their  valor  they  have 
handed  down  from  generation  to  generation,  and 
we  have  received  from  them  a  free  State.  But 
if  they  were  worthy  of  praise,  still  more  were  our 
fathers,  who  added  to  their  inheritance,  and  after 
many  a  struggle  transmitted  to  us,  their  sons,  this 
great  empire.  And  we  ourselves  assembled  here 
to-day,  who  are  still  most  of  us  in  the  vigor  of  life, 
have  chiefly  done  the  work  of  improvement,  and 
have  richly  endowed  our  city  with  all  things, 
so  that  she  is  sufficient  for  herself  both  in  peace 


Pericles. 

From  the  bust  in  the  British  Museum. 


^^^■;  :';:*i/?l"":,-'^- "•■''■■'" 

^^^^^^HJHHI 

MB 

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Hi 

^^B    .>",.    '^'^'^Sj 

^F»-     :^^  "  S 

H|      ' ' ^^H 

^^B '               ■''>^^ 

K;    J^      J 

■LBm||^H 

^^^^K'                    <:ifl 

^^^H 

^^^^m^_j^ 

, '; :  "^■^ni^^                         *'/J^^I 

^^m 

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ih 

^^^^^^^^^^^^HUew*'  '-^'Ti^^- 

lH?lK-^j^^, 

^^^^^^^H 

^^^BHHI 

Funeral  Oration  Attributed  to  Pericles    49 

and  war.  Of  the  military  exploits  by  which  our 
various  possessions  were  acquired,  or  of  the  energy 
with  which  we  or  our  fathers  drove  back  the  tide 
of  war,  Hellenic  or  Barbarian,  I  will  not  speak  ;  for 
the  tale  would  be  long  and  is  familiar  to  you.  But 
before  I  praise  the  dead,  I  should  like  to  point  out 
by  what  principles  of  action  we  rose  to  power,  and 
under  what  institutions  and  through  what  manner 
of  life  our  empire  became  great.  For  I  conceive 
that  such  thoughts  are  not  unsuited  to  the  oc- 
casion, and  that  this  numerous  assembly  of  citizens 
and  strangers  may  profitably  listen  to  them. 

Our  form  of  government  does  not  enter  into 
rivalry  with  the  institutions  of  others.  We  do  not 
copy  our  neighbors,  but  are  an  example  to  them. 
It  is  true  that  we  are  called  a  democracy,  for  the 
administration  is  in  the  hands  of  the  many  and 
not  of  the  few.  But  while  the  law  secures  equal 
justice  to  all  alike  in  their  private  disputes,  the 
claim  of  excellence  is  also  recognized  ;  and  when  a 
citizen  is  in  any  way  distinguished  he  is  preferred 
to  the  public  service,  not  as  a  matter  of  privilege, 
but  as  the  reward  of  merit.  Neither  is  poverty 
a  bar,  but  a  man  may  benefit  his  country  what- 
ever be  the  obscurity  of  his  condition.  There  is 
no  exclusiveness  in  our  public  life,  and  in  our 
private  intercourse  we  are  not  suspicious  of  one 
another,  nor  angry  with  our  neighbor  if  he  does 
what  he  likes  ;  we  do  not  put  on  sour  looks  at 


50  The  World's  Orators 

him,  which,  though  harmless,  are  not  pleasant. 
While  we  are  thus  unconstrained  in  our  private 
intercourse,  a  spirit  of  reverence  pervades  our  pub- 
lic acts ;  we  are  prevented  from  doing  wrong  by 
respect  for  authority  and  for  the  laws,  having  an 
especial  regard  to  those  which  are  ordained  for  the 
protection  of  the  injured,  as  well  as  to  those  un- 
written laws  which  bring  upon  the  transgressor  of 
them  the  reprobation  of  the  general  sentiment. 

And  we  have  not  forgotten  to  provide  for  our 
weary  spirits  many  relaxations  from  toil ;  we  have 
regular  games  and  sacrifices  throughout  the  year ; 
at  home  the  style  of  our  life  is  refined  ;  and  the 
delight  which  we  daily  feel  in  all  these  things  helps 
to  banish  melancholy.  Because  of  the  greatness 
of  our  city  the  fruits  of  the  whole  earth  flow  in 
upon  us,  so  that  we  enjoy  the  goods  of  other 
countries  as  freely  as  of  our  own. 

Then,  again,  our  military  training  is  in  many 
respects  superior  to  that  of  our  adversaries.  Our 
city  is  thrown  open  to  the  world,  and  we  never 
expel  a  foreigner  or  prevent  him  from  seeing  or 
learning  anything  of  which  the  secret,  if  revealed 
to  an  enemy,  might  profit  him.  We  rely  not  upon 
management  or  trickery,  but  upon  our  own  hearts 
and  hands.  And  in  the  matter  of  education, 
whereas  they  from  early  youth  are  always  under- 
going laborious  exercises  which  are  to  make  them 
brave,  we  live  at  ease,  and  yet  are  equally  ready  to 


Funeral  Oration  Attributed  to  Pericles     51 

face  the  perils  which  they  face.  And  here  is  the 
proof:  The  Lacedaemonians  came  into  Attica,  not 
by  themselves,  but  with  their  whole  confederacy 
following ;  we  go  alone  into  a  neighbor's  country  ; 
and  although  our  opponents  are  fighting  for  their 
homes  and  we  on  a  foreign  soil,  we  have  seldom 
any  difficulty  in  overcoming  them.  Our  enemies 
have  never  yet  felt  our  united  strength  ;  the  care  of 
a  navy  divides  our  attention,  and  on  land  we  are 
obliged  to  send  our  own  citizens  everywhere.  But 
they,  if  they  meet  and  defeat  a  part  of  our  army, 
are  as  proud  as  if  they  had  routed  us  all,  and  when 
defeated  they  pretend  to  have  been  vanquished  by 
us  all. 

If,  then,  we  prefer  to  meet  danger  with  a  light 
heart  but  without  laborious  training,  and  with  a 
courage  which  is  gained  by  habit  and  not  enforced 
by  law,  are  we  not  greatly  the  gainers  ?  Since  we 
do  not  anticipate  the  pain  although  when  the  hour 
comes  we  can  be  as  brave  as  those  who  never 
allow  themselves  to  rest ;  and  thus,  too,  our  city  is 
equally  admirable  in  peace  and  in  war.  For  we 
are  lovers  of  the  beautiful,  yet  simple  in  our  tastes, 
and  we  cultivate  the  mind  without  loss  of  manli- 
ness. Wealth  we  employ,  not  for  talk  and  osten- 
tation, but  when  there  is  a  real  use  for  it.  To 
avow  poverty  with  us  is  no  disgrace  ;  the  true  dis- 
grace is  in  doing  nothing  to  avoid  it.  An  Athenian 
citizen  does  not  neglect  the  State  because  he  takes 


52  The  World's  Orators 

care  of  his  own  household  ;  and  even  those  of  us 
who  are  engaged  in  business  have  a  very  fair  idea 
of  politics.  We  alone  regard  a  man  who  takes  no 
interest  in  public  affairs,  not  as  a  harmless,  but  as  a 
useless  character ;  and  if  few  of  us  are  originators, 
we  are  all  sound  judges  of  a  policy.  The  great 
impediment  to  action  is,  in  our  opinion,  not  dis- 
cussion, but  the  want  of  that  knowledge  which  is 
gained  by  discussion  preparatory  to  action.  For 
we  have  a  peculiar  power  of  thinking  before  we 
act  and  of  acting,  too,  whereas  other  men  are 
courageous  from  ignorance,  but  hesitate  upon 
reflection.  And  they  are  surely  to  be  esteemed 
the  bravest  spirits  who,  having  the  clearest  sense 
both  of  the  pains  and  pleasures  of  life,  do  not  on 
that  account  shrink  from  danger.  In  doing  good, 
again,  we  are  unlike  others ;  we  make  our  friends 
by  conferring,  not  by  receiving,  favors.  Now,  he 
who  confers  a  favor  is  the  firmer  friend,  because  he 
would  fain  by  kindness  keep  alive  the  memory  of 
an  obligation  ;  but  the  recipient  is  colder  in  his 
feelings  because  he  knows  that  in  requiting 
another's  generosity  he  will  not  be  winning  grati- 
tude, but  only  paying  a  debt.  We  alone  do  good 
to  our  neighbors,  not  upon  a  calculation  of  interest, 
but  in  the  confidence  of  freedom  and  in  a  frank  and 
fearless  spirit.  To  sum  up:  I  say  that  Athens  is 
the  school  of  Hellas,  and  that  the  individual 
Athenian  in  his  own  person  seems  to  have  the 


Funeral  Oration  Attributed  to  Pericles     53 

power  of  adapting  himself  to  the  most  varied  forms 
of  action  with  the  utmost  versatility  and  grace. 
This  is  no  passing  and  idle  word,  but  truth  and 
fact ;  and  the  assertion  is  verified  by  the  position 
to  which  these  qualities  have  raised  the  State.  For 
in  the  hour  of  trial  Athens  alone  among  her  con- 
temporaries is  superior  to  the  report  of  her.  No 
enemy  who  comes  against  her  is  indignant  at  the 
reverses  which  he  sustains  at  the  hands  of  such  a 
city ;  no  subject  complains  that  his  masters  are 
unworthy  of  him.  And  we  shall  assuredly  not  be 
without  witnesses ;  there  are  mighty  monuments 
of  our  power  which  will  make  us  the  wonder  of 
this  and  of  succeeding  ages  ;  we  shall  not  need  the 
praises  of  Homer  or  of  any  other  panegyrist  whose 
poetry  may  please  for  the  moment,  although  his 
representation  of  the  facts  will  not  bear  the  light  of 
day.  For  we  have  compelled  every  land  and  every 
sea  to  open  a  path  for  our  valor,  and  have  every- 
where planted  eternal  memorials  of  our  friendship 
and  of  our  enmity.  Such  is  the  city  for  whose 
sake  these  men  nobly  fought  and  died  ;  they  could 
not  bear  the  thought  that  she  might  be  taken  from 
them ;  and  every  one  of  us  who  survive  should 
gladly  toil  on  her  behalf 

I  have  dwelt  upon  the  greatness  of  Athens  be- 
cause I  want  to  show  you  that  we  are  contending 
for  a  higher  prize  than  those  who  enjoy  none  of 
these  privileges,  and  to  establish  by  manifest  proof 


54  The  World's  Orators 

the  merit  of  these  men  whom  I  am  now  com- 
memorating. Their  loftiest  praise  has  been  already 
spoken.  For  in  magnifying  the  city  I  have  magni- 
fied them,  and  men  like  them  whose  virtues  made 
her  glorious.  And  of  how  few  Hellenes  can  it  be 
said,  as  of  them,  that  their  deeds  when  weighed  in 
the  balance  have  been  found  equal  to  their  fame  ! 
Methinks  that  a  death  such  as  theirs  has  been 
gives  the  true  measure  of  a  man's  worth  ;  it  may 
be  the  first  revelation  of  his  virtues,  but  is  at  any 
rate  their  final  seal.  For  even  those  who  come 
short  in  other  ways  may  justly  plead  the  valor 
with  which  they  have  fought  for  their  country  ; 
they  have  blotted  out  the  evil  with  the  good,  and 
have  benefited  the  State  more  by  their  public  serv- 
ices than  they  have  injured  her  by  their  private 
actions.  None  of  these  men  were  enervated  by 
wealth  or  hesitated  to  resign  the  pleasures  of  life  ; 
none  of  them  put  off  the  evil  day  in  the  hope, 
natural  to  poverty,  that  a  man,  though  poor,  may 
one  day  become  rich.  But,  deeming  that  the  pun- 
ishment of  their  enemies  was  sweeter  than  any  of 
these  things,  and  that  they  could  fall  in  no  nobler 
cause,  they  determined  at  the  hazard  of  their  lives 
to  be  honorably  avenged,  and  to  leave  the  rest. 
They  resigned  to  hope  their  unknown  chance  of 
happiness  ;  but  in  the  face  of  death  they  resolved 
to  rely  upon  themselves  alone.  And  when  the 
moment  came  they  were  minded  to  resist  and 


Funeral  Oration  Attributed  to  Pericles     55 

suffer,  rather  than  to  fly  and  save  their  lives  ;  they 
ran  away  from  the  word  of  dishonor,  but  on  the 
battle-field  their  feet  stood  fast,  and  in  an  instant, 
at  the  height  of  their  fortune,  they  passed  away 
from  the  scene,  not  of  their  fear,  but  of  their  glory. 
Such  was  the  end  of  these  men  ;  they  were 
worthy  of  Athens,  and  the  living  need  not  desire 
to  have  a  more  heroic  spirit,  although  they  may 
pray  for  a  less  fatal  issue.  The  value  of  such  a 
spirit  is  not  to  be  expressed  in  words.  Any  one 
can  discourse  to  you  forever  about  the  advantages 
of  a  brave  defence  which  you  know  already.  But 
instead  of  listening  to  him  I  would  have  you  day 
by  day  fix  your  eyes  upon  the  greatness  of  Athens, 
until  you  become  filled  with  the  love  of  her ;  and 
when  you  are  impressed  by  the  spectacle  of  her 
glory,  reflect  that  this  empire  has  been  acquired  by 
men  who  knew  their  duty  and  had  the  courage  to 
do  it,  who  in  the  hour  of  conflict  had  the  fear  of 
dishonor  always  present  to  them,  and  who,  if  ever 
they  failed  in  an  enterprise,  would  not  allow  their 
virtues  to  be  lost  to  their  country,  but  freely  gave 
their  lives  to  her  as  the  fairest  offering  which  they 
could  present  at  her  feast.  The  sacrifice  which 
they  collectively  made  was  individually  repaid  to 
them ;  for  they  received  again  each  one  for  him- 
self a  praise  which  grows  not  old,  and  the  noblest 
of  all  sepulchres — 1  speak  not  of  that  in  which 
their  remains  are  laid,  but  of  that  in  which  their 


56  The  World's  Orators 

glory  survives  and  is  proclaimed  always  and  on 
every  fitting  occasion  both  in  word  and  deed. 
For  the  whole  earth  is  the  sepulchre  of  famous 
men ;  not  only  are  they  commemorated  by 
columns  and  inscriptions  in  their  own  country, 
but  in  foreign  lands  there  dwells  also  an  unwritten 
memorial  of  them,  graven,  not  on  stone,  but  in  the 
hearts  of  men.  Make  them  your  examples,  and, 
esteeming  courage  to  be  freedom  and  freedom  to 
be  happiness,  do  not  weigh  too  nicely  the  perils 
of  war.  The  unfortunate  who  has  no  hope  of  a 
change  for  the  better  has  less  reason  to  throw  away 
his  life  than  the  prosperous  who,  if  he  survive,  is 
always  liable  to  a  change  for  the  worse,  and  to 
whom  any  accidental  fall  makes  the  most  serious 
difference.  To  a  man  of  spirit,  cowardice  and  dis- 
aster coming  together  are  far  more  bitter  than 
death  striking  him  unperceived  at  a  time  when  he 
is  full  of  courage  and  animated  by  the  general 
hope. 

Wherefore  I  do  not  now  commiserate  the  parents 
of  the  dead  who  stand  here  ;  1  would  rather  com- 
fort them.  You  know  that  your  life  has  been 
passed  amid  manifold  vicissitudes ;  and  that  they 
may  be  deemed  fortunate  who  have  gained  most 
honor,  whether  an  honorable  death  like  theirs,  or 
an  honorable  sorrow  like  yours,  and  whose  days 
have  been  so  ordered  that  the  term  of  their  happi- 
ness is  likewise  the  term  of  their  life.    1  know  how 


Funeral  Oration  Attributed  to  Pericles    57 

hard  it  is  to  make  you  feel  this,  when  the  good 
fortune  of  others  will  too  often  remind  you  of  the 
gladness  which  once  lightened  your  hearts.  And 
sorrow  is  felt  at  the  want  of  those  blessings,  not 
which  a  man  never  knew,  but  which  were  a  part 
of  his  life  before  they  were  taken  from  him.  Some 
of  you  are  of  an  age  at  which  they  may  hope  to 
have  other  children,  and  they  ought  to  bear  their 
sorrow  better ;  not  only  will  the  children  who  may 
hereafter  be  born  make  them  forget  their  own  lost 
ones,  but  the  city  will  be  doubly  a  gainer.  She 
will  not  be  left  desolate,  and  she  will  be  safer. 
For  a  man's  counsel  cannot  have  equal  weight  or 
worth,  when  he  alone  has  no  children  to  risk  in 
the  general  danger.  To  those  of  you  who  have 
passed  their  prime,  I  say  :  Congratulate  yourselves 
that  you  have  been  happy  during  the  greater  part  of 
your  days  ;  remember  that  your  life  of  sorrow  will 
not  last  long,  and  be  comforted  by  the  glory  of 
those  who  are  gone.  For  the  love  of  honor  alone 
is  ever  young,  and  not  riches,  as  some  say,  but 
honor  is  the  delight  of  men  when  they  are  old  and 
useless. 

To  you  who  are  the  sons  and  brothers  of  the 
departed,  I  see  that  the  struggle  to  emulate  them 
will  be  an  arduous  one.  For  all  men  praise  the 
dead,  and,  however  preeminent  your  virtue  may 
be,  hardly  will  you  be  thought,  I  do  not  say  to 
equal,  but  even  to  approach  them.    The  living  have 


58  The  World's  Orators 

their  rivals  and  detractors,  but  when  a  man  is  out 
of  the  way,  the  honor  and  good-will  which  he  re- 
ceives is  unalloyed.  And,  if  1  am  to  speak  of 
womanly  virtues  to  those  of  you  who  will  hence- 
forth be  widows,  let  me  sum  them  up  in  one  short 
admonition  :  To  a  woman  not  to  show  more  weak- 
ness than  is  natural  to  her  sex  is  a  great  glory,  and 
not  to  be  talked  about  for  good  or  for  evil  among 
men. 

I  have  paid  the  required  tribute,  in  obedience  to 
the  law,  making  use  of  such  fitting  words  as  1  had. 
The  tribute  of  deeds  has  been  paid  in  part ;  for  the 
dead  have  been  honorably  interred,  and  it  remains 
only  that  their  children  should  be  maintained  at 
the  public  charge  until  they  are  grown  up  :  this  is 
the  solid  prize  with  which,  as  with  a  garland, 
Athens  crowns  her  sons  living  and  dead,  after  a 
struggle  like  theirs.  For  where  the  rewards  of  vir- 
tue are  greatest,  there  the  noblest  citizens  are  en- 
listed in  the  service  of  the  State.  And  now,  when 
you  have  duly  lamented,  every  one  his  own  dead, 
you  may  depart. 

Translated  by  B.  Jowett,  M.A.,for  "Thucydides," 
published  by  the  Clarendon  Press,  Oxford. 
Reprinted  by  permission. 


ANTIPHON 

Antiphon,  the  earliest  of  the  ten  Attic  orators,  was  born  in 
Attica  in  480  b.c.  He  was  the  first  Athenian  logographer,  or 
writer  of  speeches  for  money.  Of  his  life  before  411  b.c. 
nothing  is  directly  known.  He  was  the  leading  spirit  of  the 
Revolution  of  411  b.c.  and  of  the  Council  of  the  Four  Hun- 
dred. Soon  after  the  fall  of  the  Four  Hundred  he  was  found 
guilty  of  treason  and  condemned  to  death.  Thucydides  (viii., 
68)  speaks  of  him  "  as  a  man  second  to  no  Athenian  of  his 
day  in  virtue,  a  proved  master  of  device  and  of  expression." 

Fifteen  speeches  attributed  to  Antiphon  are  now  extant,  all 
on  trials  for  murder,  but  only  three  on  real  causes.  The  re- 
maining are  called  Tetralogies,  each  of  which  forms  a  set  of 
four  speeches,  two  each  for  the  defendant  and  the  accuser. 
The  most  important  of  his  speeches  is  that  On  the  Murder 
of  Herodes. 

Antiphon  represents  the  early  or  "austere"  style  of  Attic 
oratory,  of  which  the  characteristics  are  dignity,  fondness  for 
antithesis,  bold  but  not  florid  imagery,  appeal  to  the  feelings, 
and  careful  attention  to  invention  and  arrangement. 

The  best  edition  of  Antiphon  is  that  of  Blass,  Teubner, 
Leipzig,  1892.  On  his  life,  style,  and  works,  see  Jebb,  Attic 
Orators,  i.,  pp.  1-70  ;  Blass,  Attische  Beredsamkeit,  i.,  pp. 
91-203. 


59 


ON  THE  MURDER  OF  HERODES 

PERORATION 

/fntiphon. 

Herodes,  an  Athenian  citizen  living  at  Mitylene,  had  occasion  to  make  a  voy- 
age to  y^Enos,  a  port  of  Thrace.  He  sailed  from  Mitylene  with  the  man  who  was 
afterward  accused  of  having  murdered  him.  A  tempest  obliged  Herodes  and  his 
companion  to  put  in  at  Marathon  and  change  their  open  vessel  for  a  decked  one. 
After  they  had  been  drinking  together  on  board,  Herodes  went  ashore  at  night 
and  was  never  seen  again.  Upon  the  defendant's  return  to  Mitylene  he  was  ac- 
cused of  having  murdered  Herodes.  It  was  necessary  for  the  trial  to  take  place 
at  Athens.  The  speech  for  the  defendant  was  prepared  by  Antiphon.  Its  date 
was  probably  41 7  or  410  b.c.  The  case  was  tried  by  an  ordinary  dicastery  under 
the  presidency  of  the  Eleven.  We  here  present  the  Peroration  :  the  prisoner 
argues  that  his  innocence  is  vindicated  by  the  absence  of  signs  of  the  divine 
anger  ;  and  he  reminds  the  judges  that  in  any  case  justice  cannot  be  thwarted  by 
his  acquittal,  since  it  will  still  be  possible  to  bring  him  before  the  Areopagus. 

YOU  have  heard,  then,  judges,  all  that  can  be 
shown  from  human  proofs  and  testimonies. 
It  is  right  also  to  weigh  carefully  the  tokens  which 
the  gods  have  given  of  their  will,  before  casting 
your  votes.  For  by  especial  observance  of  the 
divine  signs,  you  will  with  safety  direct  public 
affairs,  both  those  with  their  appointed  dangers, 
and  those  outside  the  scope  of  peril.  Similarly 
for  private  matters,  one  must  deem  omens  no  less 

certain  and  no  less  powerful. 

61 


62  The  World's  Orators 

You  doubtless  know  that  often  ere  now  men  red- 
handed  or  otherwise  polluted  have,  by  entering  the 
same  ship,  destroyed  with  themselves  those  who 
were  pure  towards  the  gods ;  and  that  others, 
escaping  death,  have  incurred  the  extremity  of 
danger  through  such  men.  Many  again,  on  stand- 
ing beside  the  sacrifice,  have  been  discovered  to  be 
impure  and  hinderers  of  the  solemn  rites.  Now, 
in  all  such  cases,  an  opposite  fortune  has  been 
mine.  First,  all  who  have  sailed  with  me  have 
had  excellent  voyages ;  then,  whenever  I  have 
assisted  at  a  sacrifice,  it  has,  in  every  instance,  been 
most  favorable.  These  facts  1  claim  as  strong  evi- 
dence touching  the  present  charge  and  the  falsity 
of  the  prosecutor's  accusations. 

I  understand  also  this,  gentlemen  of  the  Court, 
that  if  the  witnesses  had  testified  against  me  that 
something  unpropitious  had  occurred  when  I  was 
present  in  a  ship  or  in  temples,  they  would  have 
used  this  very  thing  as  the  strongest  testimony 
against  me,  and  would  have  taken  the  divine  por- 
tents as  the  clearest  proofs  of  the  trustworthiness 
of  their  cause.  But  now,  though  the  omens  have 
been  contrary  to  their  assertions,  and  though  the 
witnesses  testify  that  what  1  say  is  true,  and  what 
they  accuse  is  false, — they,  nevertheless,  bid  you 
distrust  the  witnesses  and  say  that  you  should 
believe  the  words  which  they  speak.  Other 
men  refute  words  by  actions,  but  these  men  seek 


On  the  Murder  of  Herodes  63 

to  establish  actions  as  untrustworthy  by  mere 
words. 

On  all  the  charges  that  1  recall,  gentlemen,  I 
have  spoken  my  defence.  And  1  anticipate  an 
acquittal  at  your  hands.  For  the  arguments  which 
entitle  me  to  your  votes  also  conform  to  your  laws 
and  your  oaths,  and  you  have  sworn  to  pronounce 
sentence  according  to  law.  Now,  1  am  not  liable 
to  the  laws  under  which  1  was  arrested,  while  as 
to  the  acts  with  which  1  am  charged,  1  can  still  be 
brought  to  trial  in  the  legal  form.  But  if  two  trials 
have  been  made  out  of  one,  the  fault  is  not  mine, 
but  that  of  my  accusers.  When,  however,  my 
enemies  have  left  me  the  chance  of  a  second  trial, 
surely  you,  the  impartial  awarders  of  justice,  will 
never  pronounce  on  the  present  issue  a  premature 
verdict  of  murder. 

Do  not  do  it,  O  judges.  But  leave  some  scope 
for  that  other  witness — Time,  with  whose  aid 
those  who  seek  the  precise  knowledge  of  events 
find  it  most  correctly.  1  should  certainly  desire, 
judges,  that  in  such  cases  of  alleged  murder  the 
sentence  should  be  in  accordance  with  the  laws, 
but  that  in  every  possible  instance  the  investiga- 
tion should  be  regulated  by  justice.  For  so  much 
the  better  would  the  facts  be  known.  Most  trials 
are  allies  to  the  truth  and  very  hostile  to  calumny. 
But  a  charge  of  murder,  if  not  correctly  investi- 
gated, is  stronger  than  both  justice  and  truth.     If 


64  The  World's  Orators 

you  condemn  me,  though  I  am  not  a  murderer  nor 
subject  to  punishment,  I  must  abide  by  the  .sen- 
tence and  the  laws.  And  no  one  would  dare, 
through  confidence  in  his  own  innocence,  to  con- 
travene the  sentence  when  once  pronounced,  or, 
if  conscious  of  his  guilt,  to  rebel  against  the  law. 
A  man  must  yield,  not  only  to  the  truth  itself,  but 
also  to  a  verdict  which  contradicts  the  truth, — 
especially  if  there  be  no  one  to  support  his  cause. 

This  is  why,  in  trials  of  this  kind,  you  have 
established,  in  addition  to  the  laws,  oaths  and 
sacrifices  and  notices  to  the  accused.  These  and 
other  such  things  obtain  in  murder  trials,  in  which 
the  procedure  differs  much  from  that  in  other 
trials,  because  in  capital  accusations  it  is  of  the 
utmost  importance  by  thorough  investigation  to 
insure  the  course  of  justice.  To  judge  correctly  is 
to  avenge  him  who  has  been  wronged,  but  to 
declare  an  innocent  man  a  murderer  is  crime 
against  the  law  and  impiety  toward  the  gods. 

And  it  is  a  less  serious  matter  that  the  prose- 
cutor should  accuse  wrongly  than  that  you,  the 
judges,  should  decide  wrongly.  For  their  accusa- 
tion achieves  no  result ;  the  result  depends  on  you 
and  the  trial.  Now,  if  you,  in  the  penalty  itself, 
should  not  reach  a  correct  verdict,  it  is  impossible 
that  1  should  refer  the  mistake  to  any  tribunal  and 
be  acquitted.  How  then  might  you  render  exact 
justice  in  this  case  ?    If  you  permit  the  accusers, 


On  the  Murder  of  Herodes  65 

when  they  have  first  taken  the  usual  oath,  to 
bring  accusation,  and  allow  me  to  defend  myself 
in  answer  to  their  accusation.  But  how  will  you 
permit  it  ?  By  granting  me  an  acquittal.  I  do  not 
thus  escape  your  judgment,  for  you  will  in  the 
other  trial  vote  concerning  me.  And  to  you,  hav- 
ing now  spared  me,  it  will  be  possible  in  the  other 
trial  to  do  what  you  please  with  me,  but  having 
put  me  to  death  you  will  not  have  another  oppor- 
tunity even  to  deliberate  concerning  me.  And 
indeed,  if  some  mistake  must  be  made,  unjust 
acquittal  would  be  less  culpable  than  unjust  con- 
demnation. For  the  one  is  merely  a  mistake  ;  the 
other  is  also  an  impiety.  In  which  matter  one 
ought  to  have  much  forethought  when  about  to 
perform  an  irreparable  deed.  In  revocable  judicial 
matters  one  can  err  with  less  peril,  listening  to  the 
voice  of  anger  or  of  calumny  ;  having  regretted  his 
mistake,  one  can  revise  his  decision.  But  in  cases 
where  it  is  impossible  to  repair  an  injustice,  know- 
ledge and  repentance  of  one's  error  merely  add  to 
the  injury.  Many  among  you  have  already  re- 
pented of  having  put  to  death  the  innocent.  Yet 
in  instances  where  you,  having  been  deceived, 
have  regretted  your  mistake,  verily  you  ought  to 
put  to  death  those  who  deceived  you. 

Then  there  is  indulgence  for  involuntary  offences, 
but  voluntary  offences  are  unpardonable.  For  in- 
voluntary wrong,  men  of  Athens,  is  the  result  of 

VOL.  I.— 5. 


66  The  World's  Orators 

chance  ;  voluntary  wrong  of  purpose.  But  is  there 
anything  more  voluntary  than  to  commit  straight- 
way a  crime  on  which  one  has  resolved  ?  And  in 
very  truth,  it  is  essentially  the  same  thing  whether 
one  puts  another  to  death  unjustly  with  his  hand, 
or  with  his  vote. 

Athenians,  be  well  assured  that  I  should  never 
have  entered  your  city  had  I  been  conscious  of 
such  a  crime  ;  but  now  I  am  here  with  confidence 
in  the  justice  of  my  cause  than  which  1  could  have 
no  more  worthy  associate,  conscious  of  having 
done  nothing  criminal  nor  impious  in  the  sight  of 
the  gods.  The  soul  thus  penetrated  with  a  sense  of 
its  innocence  is  willing  to  endure  suffering  and  sus- 
tains the  failing  body  which  it  animates.  But  to 
the  guilty,  remorse  is  the  first  enemy  ;  for  while 
physical  vigor  still  lasts,  the  soul  gives  way,  recog- 
nizing that  this  has  come  upon  her  as  the  punish- 
ment of  her  crimes.  As  for  me,  1  appear  before 
you  with  all  the  calm  of  conscious  innocence. 

The  calumny  of  the  accusers  is  nothing  surpris- 
ing ;  this  is  their  task ;  it  is  yours  not  to  be  con- 
vinced by  their  unjust  accusations.  For  on  the 
one  hand,  if  you  hearken  to  me,  you  will  have 
opportunity  to  repent  and  later  punishment  will  be 
the  remedy  for  this  mistake  ;  but  if  you  yield  to 
the  persuasions  of  my  enemies  to  carry  out  what 
they  wish,  you  will  commit  an  irremediable  error. 
The  time  intervening  is  short,  when  you  will  do 


On  the  Murder  of  Herodes  67 

lawfully  what  my  accusers  are  trying  to  persuade 
you  to  decide  unlawfully.  This  is  a  judicial  pro- 
cedure demanding,  not  haste,  but  careful  delibera- 
tion. On  the  present  occasion,  then,  take  a  survey 
of  the  case  ;  on  the  next,  sit  in  judgment  on  the 
witnesses ;  form  now  an  opinion,  but  defer  a 
decision  on  the  facts. 

It  is  the  easiest  matter  to  testify  falsely  against 
a  man  defending  himself  against  capital  punish- 
ment. If  the  judges  are  persuaded  to  condemn 
to  death,  with  the  body  perishes  all  hope  of  ven- 
geance. For  not  even  friends  will  still  be  willing 
to  exact  punishment  in  behalf  of  a  dead  man. 
And  though  they  should  wish  it,  what  will  that 
mean  to  the  man  in  the  tomb  ?  Grant  me,  there- 
fore, now  your  votes.  And  in  the  trial  for  murder, 
these  men,  having  sworn  the  customary  oath,  will 
accuse  me,  and  you  will  decide  concerning  me 
according  to  the  existing  laws  ;  then  only,  if  I  am 
condemned,  will  it  be  impossible  for  me  to  say 
that  1  was  put  to  death  unjustly.  But  I  beg  this 
of  you,  with  due  regard  to  your  conscience  as  well 
as  to  my  own  right.  In  your  oath  is  also  my 
safety.  Obeying  whichever  of  these  you  wish, 
acquit  me. 

Translated  for  this  volume  by  Mitchell  Carroll,  Ph.D., 
Professor  in  the  Columbian  University. 


ANDOCIDES 

Andocides  was  born  at  Athens  about  440  B.C.,  of  an  aristo- 
cratic family.  In  415  B.C.  he  was  involved  in  the  famous  trial 
for  mutilating  the  statues  of  Hermes,  and,  to  save  himself  and 
his  kinsmen,  he  gave  information  against  his  aristocratic  ac- 
complices. Having  been  condemned  to  a  partial  loss  of  civic 
rights,  he  left  Athens,  and  adopted  a  merchant's  life.  In  41 1  B.C. 
he  made  his  first  attempt  to  reestablish  himself  in  Athens,  but 
was  unsuccessful.  Under  the  amnesty  of  403  e.  c.  he  was  allowed 
to  return  to  Athens,  and  was  readmitted  to  the  employments 
and  privileges  of  a  citizen.  In  the  course  of  the  Corinthian 
War  he  was  sent,  in  390  B.C.,  to  Sparta  to  negotiate  peace, 
and  brought  back  the  draft  of  a  treaty,  for  the  acceptance  of 
which  he  pleaded  in  vain.  He  is  said  to  have  been  banished 
through  the  suspicion  of  "  laconism  "  and  to  have  died  in  exile. 

Andocides  differs  from  all  the  rest  of  the  ten  Attic  orators  in 
that  he  is  not  artistic.  Yet  he  was  a  vigorous  speaker,  a 
natural  orator  of  unusual  gifts  ;  his  diction  is  plain  ;  in  the  ar- 
rangement of  his  subject-matter  he  is  simple  and  inartificial  ; 
he  is  particularly  strong  in  his  narrative,  which  he  diversifies 
with  anecdote  and  enlivens  with  graphic  description. 

The  speeches  extant  under  his  name  are  four  in  number. 
Of  these,  the  speech  against  Alcibiades  is  spurious.  Of  the 
other  three,  the  speech  On  his  Return  was  delivered  when 
he  made  the  attempt  to  be  restored  to  his  civic  rights  in  411 
B.C.,  that  On  the  Peace  with  the  Lacedaemonians  after  his 
mission  to  Sparta  in  390  B.C.,  and  the  third,  On  the  Myster- 
ies, in  399  B.C.,  in  answer  to  the  charge  of  unlawful  partici- 
pation in  the  Mysteries. 

A  good  text  of  Andocides  is  that  of  Blass,  Teubner,  Leipzig, 
1890  ;  see  annotated  English  editions  of  De  My  stent's,  etc., 
by  Hickie  and  by  Marchant  (1889);  a  German  translation  by 
A.  E.  Becker,  Leipzig,  1832.  On  his  life,  style,  and  works, 
see  Blass,  Attische  Beredsamkeit,  i.,  pp.  280-339  ;  Jebb,  Attic 
Orators,  i.,  pp.  71-141. 


69 


's\lf^  '■^^Ssiv       jS?^^" 

^^^^ 

p^^ 

^  Ife^ 

» 

m 

^^ 

[Selection.] 


ON  THE  MYSTERIES 


Andocides. 


Date,  399  b.c.  Andocides  under  a  guarantee  of  impunity  had  laid  information 
in  415  B.C.  against  certain  persons  whom  he  accused  of  complicity  in  the  mutila- 
tion of  the  Hermas.  Subsequently  the  decree  of  Isotimides  was  passed,  exclud- 
ing from  the  market-place  and  the  temple  all  who  had  committed  impiety  and 
had  confessed  it.  Andocides,  having  returned  to  Athens  under  the  general  am- 
nesty, was  later  accused  by  his  enemies  with  having  broken  the  decree  of  Isotim- 
ides by  attending  the  Mysteries  and  entering  the  temple  at  Eleusis.  In  order  to 
prove  that  he  came  under  this  decree,  they  iiad  to  show  that  he  had  committed 
impiety  in  415  b.c. 

Andocides'  speech  is  to  show  that  he  had  not  done  so,  either  by  profaning  the 
Mysteries  or  by  mutilating  the  Hermae.  His  account  of  the  Hermae  affair  is  the 
most  important  part  of  the  speech,  historically  and  otherwise,  and  we  present 
herewith  a  translation  of  it. 


MEN  of  Athens,  I  shall  now  fulfil  my  promise 
in  regard  to  the  mutilation  of  the  Hermas 
and  the  investigation  which  resulted  therefrom,  re- 
counting all  that  occurred  from  the  beginning. 
When  Teucer  had  come  from  Megara,  he  gave 
information,  on  a  guarantee  of  impunity,  concern- 
ing the  Mysteries,  and  told  what  he  knew  about 
the  persons  who  mutilated  the  images,  and  gave 
in  his  return  the  names  of  twenty-two  men.  So 
soon  as  these  men  were  indicted,  some  of  them 
went  into  exile,  others  were  put  to  death  on  the 
testimony  of  Teucer.     Of  these  men  now  some 


71 


72  The  World's  Orators 

have  returned  and  are  present  here ;  of  the  exe- 
cuted there  are  many  relatives.  Of  these  let  who- 
ever wishes  rise  up  and  contradict  me  in  my  speech 
if  he  can  assert  that  ever  any  one  of  these  men  be- 
came an  exile  or  was  condemned  to  death  through 
me. 

After  this  occurrence,  Pisander  and  Charicles, 
members  of  the  Commission  of  Inquiry,  seeming 
at  that  time  to  be  very  well  disposed  to  the  people, 
said  that  what  had  happened  was  not  the  work  of 
a  few  men,  but  had  been  done  with  a  view  to  the 
overthrow  of  the  Commonwealth  ;  that  still  further 
investigations  must  be  made,  and  they  must  not 
stop  with  what  had  been  accomplished.  And  the 
city  at  that  time  was  in  such  a  state  that  when 
the  herald  had  summoned  the  Senate  to  go  into 
the  Council  Chamber  and  took  down  the  signal, 
every  man  straightway  fled  from  the  market-place, 
fearing  lest  he  might  be  arrested.  Then  Diocleides, 
aroused  by  the  evils  of  the  city,  laid  an  impeachment 
before  the  Council,  claiming  that  he  knew  the  men 
who  had  mutilated  the  Hermas,  and  they  were  to 
the  number  of  three  hundred  ;  and  stated  how  he 
had  chanced  to  become  an  eye-witness  of  the  plot. 

Here  I  beg  you,  gentlemen,  to  pay  close  heed  to 
what  I  say,  and  to  recall  whether  I  speak  the  truth, 
and  to  advise  each  other.  For  his  words  were 
spoken  among  you,  and  you  alone  are  my  wit- 
nesses. 


On  the  Mysteries  73 

He  said  that  he  had  a  slave  at  Laurium,  and  that 
he  had  occasion  to  go  there  for  a  payment  due 
him.  On  this  account,  he  said,  he  had  risen  be- 
fore day,  being  deceived  as  to  the  hour,  as  it  was 
full  moon.  He  was  walking  along,  and  when  he 
had  come  to  the  gateway  of  the  Dionysus  pre- 
cinct, he  saw  several  persons  descending  from  the 
Odeon  into  the  Orchestra.  Afraid  of  them,  he  drew 
into  the  shade,  and  crouched  down  between  the 
pillar  and  the  column  with  the  bronze  statue  of  the 
General.  From  there  he  saw  men,  about  three 
hundred  in  number,  standing  around  in  groups  of 
fifteen  or  twenty.  And  seeing  them  in  the  moon- 
light, he  recognized  the  faces  of  most  of  them. 
Thus,  in  the  first  place,  judges,  he  assumed  this 
story — a  most  extraordinary  one — in  order,  I  fancy, 
that  it  might  rest  with  him  to  include  in  this  list 
any  Athenian  he  pleased,  or  at  pleasure  to  exempt 
him.  After  he  saw  this,  he  continued,  he  went  to 
Laurium,  and  on  the  next  day  he  heard  that  the 
Hermas  had  been  mutilated  ;  he  knew  then  straight- 
way that  it  was  the  work  of  these  men. 

Having  returned  to  the  city,  he  found  that  a 
Commission  of  Inquiry  had  been  chosen,  and  a 
hundred  minas  reward  offered  for  information. 
He  saw  Euphemus,  the  brother  of  Callias,  the  son 
of  Telecles,  sitting  in  his  forge,  and  took  him  to 
the  temple  of  Hephaestus,  and  told  him  the  story  1 
have  told  you,  namely,  that  he  had  seen  us  on  the 


74  The  World's  Orators 

preceding  night.  Furthermore,  he  saw  no  reason 
why  he  should  prefer  to  get  money  from  the  State 
rather  than  from  us,  so  that  he  might  hold  us  as 
his  friends.  Thereupon  Euphemus  answered  that 
he  was  obliged  to  him  for  the  information,  and 
added  :  "  Now,  pray,  come  to  the  house  of  Leogo- 
ras,  that  you  and  I  may  there  confer  with  Andocides 
and  the  other  needful  persons."  He  said  that  the 
next  day  he  was  there,  and  was  just  knocking  at 
the  door,  when  my  father  happened  to  be  coming 
out,  and  said  to  him  :  *Ms  it  you  whom  the  com- 
pany here  are  expecting  ?  Well,  surely,  one  ought 
not  to  slight  such  friends,"  and  with  these  words 
he  was  gone.  In  such  a  manner  he  sought  to  ruin 
my  father,  showing  him  up  as  a  fellow-conspirator. 
We  told  him  that  we  had  concluded  to  give  him 
two  talents  of  silver  instead  of  the  hundred  minas 
from  the  public  treasury,  and  if  our  plans  were 
successful,  he  should  become  one  of  us ;  and  we 
agreed  to  exact  and  receive  pledges.  And  he 
answered  that  he  would  think  it  over.  We, 
however,  bade  him  go  to  the  house  of  Callias,  son 
of  Telecles,  in  order  that  he  also  might  be  present. 
Thus,  moreover,  he  sought  to  ruin  my  brother- 
in-law.  He  added  that  he  came  to  Callias's  and 
concluded  an  agreement  with  us  ;  he  gave  us 
pledges  on  the  Acropolis,  and  we  agreed  to  give 
him  the  money  during  the  ensuing  month,  but 
failed  to  keep  our  word  or  to  pay.     For  this  rea- 


On  the  Mysteries  75 

son  he  had  come  to  give  information  regarding 
what  had  happened. 

Such  was  his  impeachment,  men  of  Athens. 
And  he  gave  in  writing  the  names  of  the  men 
whom  he  said  he  knew,  two  and  forty,  first  Man- 
titheus  and  Apsephion,  both  senators,  who  were 
present,  and  the  rest.  Then  Pisander  arose  and 
said  that  the  decree  passed  in  the  archonship  of 
Scamandrius  ought  to  be  suspended,  and  the  men 
denounced  put  to  the  torture,  in  order  that  night 
might  not  fall  before  all  the  conspirators  were 
known.  The  Council  cried  aloud  that  he  had  well 
spoken.  As  Mantitheus  and  Apsephion  heard  this, 
they  seated  themselves  on  the  altar,  imploring  not 
to  be  put  to  the  torture,  but  to  be  allowed  out  on 
bail  and  to  be  tried.  Only  with  difficulty  was  this 
request  granted  them.  Scarcely  had  they  obtained 
bondsmen,  when  they  mounted  their  horses  and 
hastened  away  to  the  camp  of  the  enemy,  leaving 
in  the  lurch  their  bondsmen,  who  became  liable  to 
the  same  penalties  as  those  for  whom  they  had 
become  securities.  The  Council,  after  retiring  to 
secret  conference,  had  us  seized  and  put  in  the  pil- 
lory. Then  they  summoned  the  generals  before 
them,  and  ordered  them  to  proclaim  that  those 
Athenians  who  lived  in  the  city  should  proceed 
under  arms  to  the  market-place,  those  within  the 
Long  Walls  to  the  temple  of  Theseus,  those  in  the 
Piraeus  to  the  market-place  of  Hippodamus ;  that 


76  The  World's  Orators 

before  dawn  the  knights  should  sound  the  trumpet 
call  to  the  temple  of  the  Dioscuri,  that  the  Senate 
should  go  to  the  Acropolis  and  sleep  there,  and 
that  the  Presidents  should  sleep  in  the  Rotunda. 

The  Boeotians,  having  ascertained  what  was 
occurring  at  Athens,  had  taken  the  field  and  were 
on  the  frontier,  and  Diocleides,  the  cause  of  all 
these  evils,  they  crowned  with  olive  and  brought 
on  a  chariot  to  the  Prytaneum  as  a  preserver  of 
the  city,  and  he  was  entertained  there. 

Translated  for  this  volume  by  Mitchell  Carroll,  Ph.D., 
Professor  in  the  Columbian  University. 

MOTIVE  FOR  THE  DISCLOSURE  OF 
ANDOCIDES 

When  we  had  all  been  imprisoned  in  the  same 
place ;  when  night  had  come,  and  the  gaol  had 
been  closed  ;  there  came,  to  one  his  mother,  his 
sister  to  another,  to  another  his  wife  and  children  ; 
and  there  arose  a  piteous  sound  of  weeping  and 
lamentation  for  the  troubles  of  the  hour.  Then 
Charmides  (he  was  my  cousin,  of  my  own  age, 
and  had  been  brought  up  with  me  in  our  house 
from  childhood)  said  to  me  :  '*  Andocides,  you  see 
how  serious  our  present  dangers  are  ;  and  though 
hitherto  I  have  always  shrunk  from  saying  any- 
thing to  annoy  you,  1  am  forced  by  our  present 
misfortune  to  speak  now.  All  your  intimates  and 
companions  except  us  your  relations  have  either 


On  the  Mysteries  ^-j 

been  put  to  death  on  the  charges  which  threaten 
us  with  destruction,  or  have  taken  to  flight  and 
pronounced  themselves  guilty.  If  you  have  heard 
anything  about  this  affair  which  has  occurred, 
speak  it  out,  and  save  our  lives — save  yourself  in 
the  first  place,  then  your  father,  whom  you  ought 
to  love  very  dearly,  then  your  brother-in-law,  the 
husband  of  your  only  sister, — your  other  kinsmen, 
too,  and  near  friciids,  so  many  of  them  ;  and  me 
also,  who  have  nev:r  given  you  annoyance  in  all 
my  life,  but  am  most  zealous  for  you  and  for 
your  interests,  whenever  anything  is  to  be  done." 
When  Charmides  said  this,  judges,  and  when  the 
others  besought  and  entreated  me  severally,  1 
thought  to  myself, — ''Most  miserable  and  unfor- 
tunate of  men,  :;m  1  t.j  see  my  own  kinsfolk  perish 
undeservedly — to  see  their  lives  sacrificed  and  their 
property  confiscat:d,  and,  in  addition  to  this,  their 
names  written  up  on  tablets  as  sinners  against  the 
gods, — men  who  are  wholly  innocent  of  the  mat- 
ter,— am  I  to  see,  moreover,  three  hundred  Atheni- 
ans doomed  to  undeserved  destruction,  and  the 
State  involved  in  the  most  serious  calamities,  and 
men  nourishing  suspicion  against  each  other, — or 
shall  I  tell  the  Athenians  just  what  I  heard  from 
Euphiletos  himself,  the  real  culprit  ?  " 

Translated  by  R.  C.  Jebb,  M.A.,  for  "  The  Attic 
Orators, ' '  published  by  Macmillan  &  Co. 
Reprinted  by  permission. 


LYSIAS 

Lysias  was  born  at  Athens  about  459  B.C.  His  father, 
Cephalus,  was  a  Syracusan,  who  settled  at  Athens  during 
the  time  of  Pericles.  He  was  a  man  of  considerable  wealth. 
At  the  age  of  fifteen,  Lysias  went  with  his  brother,  Pole- 
marchus,  to  Thurii,  in  southern  Italy.  Here,  it  is  said,  he 
studied  rhetoric  under  Tisias  of  Syracuse.  After  the  failure 
of  the  Sicilian  expedition,  the  Anti-Athenian  faction  coming 
into  power  at  Thurii,  Lysias  and  his  brother  fled  to  Athens  in 
412  B.C.  The  following  seven  years  were  passed  in  great 
prosperity,  and  the  brothers  acquired  wealth  by  the  manufac- 
ture of  shields.  But  their  means  excited  the  cupidity  of  the 
Thirty  Tyrants.  Polemarchus  was  put  to  death,  and  Lysias 
fled.  He  assisted  the  exiles  in  their  return,  and  the  privileges 
granted  to  resident  aliens  were  restored  to  him.  He  now  de- 
voted himself  to  writing  speeches  for  the  law  courts,  more 
than  two  hundred  being  attributed  to  him.  His  activity  as  a 
logographer  falls  between  the  years  403  and  380  B.C.  It  seems 
probable  that  Lysias  died  about  380  b.c,  at  the  age  of  about 
eighty. 

"  His  distinctive  qualities  are  a  delicate  mastery  of  the  purest 
Attic,  a  subtle  power  of  expressing  character,  a  restrained 
sense  of  humor,  and  a  certain  flexibility  of  mind  which  en- 
ables him  under  the  most  trying  circumstances  to  write  with 
almost  unfailing  tact  and  charm, — with  that  charts,  hardly  to 
be  analyzed  save  in  so  far  as  felicity  of  expression  and  an 
essential  urbanity  are  implied  in  it,  which  the  old  critics  felt  in 
him."     (Jebb.) 

Thirty-four  speeches  of  Lysias  are  extant,  either  entire  or 
represented  by  large  fragments.  Two  of  these  are  epideic- 
tic, — the  Olympiac  Oration  preserved  in  Dionysius,  and  the 
Funeral  Oration  now  generally  regarded  as  spurious  ;  one  is 


8o  The  World's  Orators 

deliberative, — the  Plea  for  the  Constitution  ;  the  rest  are 
forensic,  and  only  one  of  these  was  delivered  by  Lysias  him- 
self. This  is  his  masterpiece,  the  oration  against  Eratosthenes, 
who  had  been  one  of  the  Thirty  Tyrants,  and  who  was  re- 
sponsible for  the  execution  of  Polemarchus. 

The  best  edition  of  the  text  is  that  of  Scheibe,  Teubner, 
Leipzig,  1888  ;  important  ann.otated  editions  of  selected  ora- 
tions are  those  of  Schuckburg  of  Bristol  ;  an  English  transla- 
tion of  most  of  the  orations  is  that  of  Gillies  (1778). 

On  his  life,  style,  and  works,  see  Blass,  Attische  Bered- 
samkeit,  i.,  pp.  339-644  ;  J  ebb,  Attic  Orators,  i.,  pp.  142-312. 


AGAINST  ERATOSTHENES 

Lysias. 

The  brother  of  Lysias,  Polemarchus,  had  been  put  to  death  by  the  Thirty 
Tyrants.  Eratosthenes  was  the  member  of  the  Thirty  who  had  arrested  him  and 
led  him  off  to  prison.  In  the  speech,  Lysias,  who  is  himself  the  speaker,  charges 
Eratosthenes  expressly  with  the  murder  of  his  brother,  and  generally  with  his 
share  in  the  crimes  of  the  Thirty.  The  speech  was  delivered  in  403  B.C.,  shortly 
after  the  formal  restoration  of  the  democracy.  It  falls  naturally  into  two  parts. 
The  first  and  shorter  division  deals  with  the  specific  charge  against  Eratosthenes  ; 
the  second,  with  his  political  character  and  the  crimes  of  the  Thirty.  We  here 
present  the  first  part  dealing  with  the  murder  of  Polemarchus,  and  the  eloquent 
peroration. 

IT  is  an  easy  matter  to  begin  this  accusation,  but 
to  end  it  will  be  attended  with  no  small  diffi- 
culty ;  for  the  crimes  of  Eratosthenes  are  so  great 
in  magnitude  and  so  many  in  number,  that  by 
speaking  falsehood  I  could  not  make  the  accusation 
worse  than  the  facts,  nor,  however  much  1  wished, 
would  1  be  able  to  tell  all  the  truth  ;  but  it  is 
necessary  either  for  the  accuser  to  give  out  from 
weariness,  or  for  the  allotted  time  to  fail. 

And  I  believe  that  our  experience,  as  accuser  of 
Eratosthenes,  will  be  contrary  to  all  precedent. 
Heretofore,  it  was  necessary  for  the  accusers  to 
show  what  enmity  existed  between  themselves 

VOL.  I. — 6. 

8i 


82  The  World's  Orators 

and  the  accused  ;  but  now  we  must  inquire  from 
the  defendants  what  enmity  they  had  against  the 
Commonwealth,  that  led  them  to  sin  so  enormously 
against  it.  1  do  not  speak  thus,  Athenians,  as  if  I 
had  no  personal  resentments  nor  grievances  against 
the  Thirty  :  I  only  mean  that  every  one  has 
abundant  causes  for  indignation  against  them, 
either  on  private  or  on  public  grounds. 

By  the  crimes  that  have  been  committed,  jurors, 
1,  who  never  before  pleaded  in  my  own  nor  in  any 
other  cause,  am  now  compelled  to  undertake  this 
accusation  against  Eratosthenes ;  and  so  I  have 
frequently  been  disheartened,  for  fear  that  on 
account  of  inexperience  I  should  make  the  accusa- 
tion for  my  brother  and  myself  unworthily  or 
unskilfully.  Nevertheless,  I  shall  endeavor,  in  as 
few  words  as  possible,  to  establish  the  truth  of 
these  charges. 

My  father,  Cephalus,  was  persuaded  by  Pericles 
to  settle  in  this  country,  and  lived  here  thirty  years ; 
and  neither  we  nor  he  ever  went  to  law  against 
any  one  nor  were  accused  ourselves ;  but  we 
so  lived  under  the  democracy  that  we  neither 
wronged  others  nor  were  wronged  by  others.  But 
when  the  Thirty,  being  corrupt  men  and  mercenary 
accusers,  came  into  power,  they  affirmed  that  it 
was  necessary  to  rid  the  city  of  wrong-doers  and 
that  the  rest  of  the  citizens  should  turn  to  virtue 
and  justice.    Though  they  made  such  pretences, 


Lysus. 

From  tlh  bill  In  the  Capitol .  Konu. 


Against  Eratosthenes  83 

they  did  not  conform  their  actions  to  them,  as  I, 
first  speaking  of  my  own  affairs  and  afterwards  of 
yours,  shall  endeavor  to  remind  you. 

Theognis  and  Piso  said  among  the  Thirty,  in 
regard  to  the  foreign  residents,  that  they  were  dis- 
satisfied with  the  constitution.  It  seemed,  there- 
fore, an  excellent  pretext  to  bring  them  to 
punishment,  but  in  fact  to  get  their  money ;  at 
any  rate,  the  city  was  poor,  and  the  government 
was  in  need  of  funds.  And  without  difficulty  they 
persuaded  their  hearers  ;  for  they  deemed  it  of  no 
consequence  to  put  men  to  death,  but  the  amass- 
ing of  wealth  they  regarded  of  prime  importance. 
They  decided,  therefore,  to  arrest  ten  resident 
aliens,  including  among  them  two  poor  men,  in 
order  that  they  might  have  the  plea  in  regard  to 
the  remaining  eight  that  these  measures  had  not 
been  taken  from  mercenary  motives,  but  in  the 
interests  of  the  government,— just  as  they  might 
defend  any  other  measure  adopted  for  satisfactory 
reasons.  Accordingly,  distributing  the  houses, 
they  began  their  visits. 

They  found  me  entertaining  a  party  of  friends. 
Having  driven  them  off,  they  left  me  in  charge  of 
Piso,  while  the  rest  went  to  the  shield-manufactory 
to  take  an  inventory  of  the  slaves.  Left  alone 
with  Piso,  1  asked  him  if  he  would  take  a  sum  of 
money  to  save  me.  He  said  he  would,  if  it  were 
considerable.      I  said  that  I  was  ready  to  give  him 


84  The  World's  Orators 

a  talent  of  silver ;  and  he  agreed  to  do  it.  1  knew, 
Athenians,  that  he  regarded  neither  gods  nor  men, 
nevertheless,  in  my  present  straits,  it  seemed  to  me 
absolutely  necessary  to  take  an  oath  from  him. 
And  when  he  swore,  imprecating  destruction  upon 
himself  and  his  children,  that  in  return  for  the 
talent  he  would  get  me  off  safe,  I  went  into  my 
chamber  and  opened  my  money-box.  Piso, 
observing  this,  came  in,  and  seeing  what  was  in 
the  box,  called  up  two  attendants  and  ordered 
them  to  take  its  whole  contents.  And  when  he 
had,  not  what  I  agreed  to  give  him,  gentlemen  of 
the  Court,  but  three  talents  of  silver,  four  hundred 
cyziceni,  r.  hundred  darics,  and  four  silver  cups,  I 
begged  him  to  leave  me  travelling  expenses.  He 
said  that  I  might  consider  myself  lucky  if  I  got  off 
with  my  life. 

As  Piso  and  I  were  coming  out  of  the  house,  Me- 
lobius  and  Mnesitheides  met  us,  who  had  returned 
from  the  manufactory.  Overtaking  us  at  the  door, 
they  inquired  where  we  were  going.  Piso  said  to 
my  brother's,  in  order  to  examine  his  house.  They 
ordered  him  then  to  go  on,  but  bade  me  accompany 
them  to  Damnippus's. 

And  Piso,  approaching  me,  bade  me  keep  silence 
and  be  of  good  cheer,  that  he  also  was  going  to 
come  there.  They  found  Theognis  there  with 
other  prisoners,  to  whom  they  gave  me,  and  went 
off  again.     Being  in  such  a  strait,  it  seemed  to  me 


Against  Eratosthenes  85 

best  to  neglect  no  means  of  escape,  as  if  death 
were  already  facing  me. 

So  having  called  Damnippus,  I  spoke  to  him  as 
follows :  "You  happen  to  be  a  friend  of  mine ;  I 
have  come  to  your  house  ;  I  have  done  no  wrong; 
because  I  have  property  1  perish  ;  will  you  then 
in  sympathy  for  my  wretched  plight  do  all 
that  lies  in  your  power  for  my  safety  ? "  And 
he  promised  that  he  would.  But  he  thought 
it  would  be  best  to  mention  it  to  Theognis,  who, 
he  was  sure,  would  do  anything  for  money.  While 
he  was  talking  with  Theognis  (as  I  happened  to 
be  acquainted  with  the  house,  and  knew  there  were 
two  doors),  1  decided  to  try  to  save  myself  in  this 
way,  deeming  that  if  I  escaped  1  should  get  off  safe; 
but  if  1  were  caught  I  thought  that,  if  Theognis 
should  be  persuaded  by  Damnippus  to  receive  a 
bribe,  I  should  none  the  less  escape,  but  if  not  1 
should  die  all  the  same.  Having  thought  this  out, 
I  began  my  flight,  while  they  were  stationing  a 
guard  at  the  hall-door.  Though  there  were  three 
doors  it  was  necessary  for  me  to  go  through,  all 
happened  to  be  opened.  Having  reached  the  house 
of  Archeneus,  the  shipmaster,  I  sent  him  to  the 
city  to  inquire  about  my  brother ;  and  he  returned 
and  said  that  Eratosthenes  had  seized  him  in  the 
street  and  led  him  off  to  prison. 

And  I,  having  ascertained  this,  sailed  the  follow- 
ing night  for  Megara.     The  Thirty  gave  the  com- 


86  The  World's  Orators 

mand  to  Polemarchus — the  usual  one  with  them — 
to  drink  the  hemlock,  before  telling  the  accusation 
on  account  of  which  he  was  about  to  die ;  so  far 
was  he  from  being  tried  and  allowed  to  make  a 
defence. 

And  when  he  was  brought  out  of  the  prison, 
dead,  although  we  had  three  houses,  from  no  one 
of  them  did  they  allow  the  funeral  to  take  place, 
but  hired  a  mean  tenement,  and  there  laid  out  the 
corpse.  And  though  we  had  much  clothing,  they 
gave  none  to  us,  asking  it  for  his  burial,  but  of 
his  friends  one  gave  a  cloak,  another  a  pillow,  and 
others,  what  each  chanced  to  have  he  presented 
for  his  burial.  And  although  there  were  seven 
hundred  shields  belonging  to  us,  together  with  sil- 
ver and  gold  and  bronze  and  fmery  and  furniture  and 
female  apparel,  to  an  amount  beyond  what  they 
ever  imagined  they  would  possess,  and,  in  addition, 
a  hundred  and  twenty  slaves  (of  which  they  kept 
the  best,  and  the  rest  they  handed  over  for  the  ben- 
efit of  the  treasury),  they  reached  such  a  pitch  of 
covetousness  and  greed,  that  they  made  an  exhibi- 
tion of  their  character.  For  from  the  ears  of  Pole- 
marchus's  wife,  Melobius,  as  soon  as  he  entered  the 
house,  took  the  golden  earrings  which  she  hap- 
pened to  be  wearing. 

And  not  in  the  least  portion  of  our  property  did 
we  obtain  compassion  from  them.  But  they  so 
wronged   us   because   of  our  money  as  others 


Against  Eratosthenes  87 

would  not  have  done  who  were  incensed  because 
of  great  injuries,  although  we  did  not  deserve  such 
treatment  from  the  city,  but  paid  all  the  expenses 
of  the  choruses,  and  many  special  taxes,  and  ac- 
quitted ourselves  as  orderly  citizens,  and  performed 
all  the  legal  obligations  of  resident  aliens,  and  had 
no  private  enemies,  but  ransomed  many  of  the 
Athenians  from  their  enemies.  Of  such  treatment 
did  they  deem  us  worthy,  who  showed  more  at- 
tachment to  the  city  as  resident  aliens  than  they 
did  as  citizens. 

For  they  drove  many  of  the  citizens  to  take 
refuge  with  the  enemy,  and  putting  many  to  death 
unjustly,  left  them  without  burial ;  and  many  who 
were  in  possession  of  civic  rights  they  deprived 
of  their  citizenship ;  and  the  daughters  of  many 
about  to  receive  marriage  portions  they  prevented 
from  being  married.  And  now  they  have  reached 
such  a  state  of  insolence,  that  they  have  come  here 
to  defend  themselves,  declaring  that  they  have 
done  nothing  bad  or  shameless ;  and  I  wish  that 
they  spoke  the  truth,  for  were  it  so,  no  small  part 
of  this  advantage  would  come  to  me. 

For,  as  I  said  before,  Eratosthenes  put  my 
brother  to  death,  although  he  had  suffered  no  per- 
sonal wrongs  at  his  hands,  nor  had  seen  him  doing 
any  injury  to  the  city,  but  merely  gratifying  to  the 
full  his  own  lawlessness. 

I  wish  to  put  him  on  the  witness-stand  and  to 


88  The  World's  Orators 

question  him,  jurors ;  for  this  is  my  opinion  :  for 
this  fellow's  benefit,  I  deem  it  impious  to  hold  con- 
versation even  with  another,  concerning  him  ;  but 
to  his  injury,  I  conceive  it  consistent  with  self- 
respect  and  piety  to  speak  even  to  himself.  Rise 
up,  then,  and  answer  me  what  I  ask  you. 

Did  you  arrest  Polemarchus  or  not  ?  ''  Fearing, 
what  was  commanded  by  the  Thirty,  I  did." 
Were  you  in  the  Council  Chamber  when  speeches 
were  made  about  us?  "\  was."  Did  you  sup- 
port those  advocating  to  kill,  or  oppose  ?  'M  op- 
posed." That  we  might  not  be  put  to  death  ? 
''That  you  might  not  be  put  to  death."  Think- 
ing we  should  be  suffering  unjustly  or  justly  ? 
"Unjustly." 

So  then,  O  basest  of  all  men,  did  you  oppose 
that  you  might  save  us,  but  arrest  that  you  might 
kill  ?  And  when  the  majority  of  you  were  masters 
of  our  safety,  do  you  say  you  opposed  those  wish- 
ing to  kill  us,  but  when  it  depended  on  you  alone 
to  save  Polemarchus  or  not,  you  led  him  off  to 
prison  ?  Then  because,  as  you  say,  by  opposing 
you  availed  nothing,  do  you  claim  to  be  considered 
an  honest  man  ;  but,  because  you  arrested  and  put 
to  death,  do  you  not  think  that  you  ought  to  pay 
the  penalty  to  me  and  these  present  ? 

Nay,  moreover,  it  is  not  reasonable  to  believe 
him  in  this  (admitting  that  he  tells  the  truth  in 
affirming  that  he  protested),  that  he  was  ordered 


Against  Eratosthenes  89 

to  kill.  He  will  not  say,  1  presume,  that,  in  the 
case  of  the  resident  aliens,  they  took  a  pledge 
from  him.  To  whom,  pray,  was  it  less  likely  to 
be  commanded  than  to  one  who  happened  to 
oppose  them  and  expressed  his  opinion  ?  For 
who  was  less  likely  to  carry  out  their  instructions 
than  he  who  protested  against  what  they  wished 
to  be  done  ?  Furthermore,  it  seems  to  me  that 
there  is  sufficient  excuse  for  the  other  Athenians 
to  throw  the  blame  of  what  has  occurred  upon  the 
Thirty.  But  how  is  it  reasonable  for  you  to  accept 
the  excuses  of  the  Thirty  themselves,  if  they  throw 
the  blame  upon  themselves  ? 

If  indeed  there  had  been  in  the  city  some  au- 
thority stronger  than  that  by  which  he  was  com- 
manded to  put  men  to  death  unjustly,  perhaps  you 
would  reasonably  have  pardon  for  him.  But  now, 
from  whom  in  the  world  are  you  ever  to  exact 
punishment,  if  it  shall  be  possible  for  the  Thirty  to 
say  that  they  did  the  things  commanded  by  the 
Thirty  ? 

And,  moreover,  it  was  not  in  his  house,  but  in 
the  street,  where  he  might  have  let  him  escape 
without  breaking  the  decree  of  the  Thirty,  that  he 
arrested  him  and  took  him  to  prison  ;  but  you  are 
all  angry  even  with  those  who  entered  your  house, 
making  a  search  for  you  or  for  anything  of  yours. 

But  if  it  is  necessary  to  make  allowances  for 
those  who  put  others  to  death  for  their  own  safety, 


go  The  World's  Orators 

you  would  more  justly  pardon  them  ;  for  they  in- 
curred peril  if  they  failed  to  go  when  sent,  or  if 
when  they  had  found  the  person  at  home  they 
denied  it.  But  Eratosthenes  might  have  said  that 
he  did  not  meet  Polemarchus,  or,  at  all  events,  that 
he  did  not  see  him  ;  for  these  statements  could 
not  be  disproved  or  tested,  so  that  they  could  not 
have  been  investigated  even  by  those  enemies  who 
wished  it. 

But  you  ought,  Eratosthenes,  if,  as  you  say,  you 
were  an  honest  man,  far  rather  to  have  become  an 
informer  to  those  who  were  going  to  be  put  to 
death  unjustly,  than  to  arrest  those  who  were  go- 
ing to  suffer  death  unjustly  ;  but  now  your  deeds 
have  become  manifest,  not  as  of  one  vexed,  but  as 
of  one  pleased,  at  what  took  place. 

And  so  ought  these  jurors  from  your  deeds  rather 
than  from  your  words  to  cast  their  votes,  taking 
what  they  know  to  have  actually  happened  as  sure 
proofs  of  what  was  then  said,  since  it  is  not  possi- 
ble to  punish  witnesses  about  these  things.  Since, 
so  far  from  being  allowed  to  assist  at  their  councils, 
it  was  impossible  for  us  even  to  remain  in  our  own 
homes.  Hence  it  is  in  the  power  of  those  who 
worked  all  possible  evils  to  the  State,  to  say  every- 
thing good  about  themselves.  I  do  not  shrink, 
however,  from  meeting  you  on  this  point,  but  I 
acknowledge,  if  you  wish,  that  you  opposed  them  ; 
but  1  wonder  what,  in  heaven's  name,  you  would 


Against  Eratosthenes  91 

have  done  if  you  had  been  in  harmony  with  the 
Thirty,  seeing  that,  when  claiming  you  protested, 
you  killed  Polemarchus. 

Come,  now,  what  would  you  do  if  you  chanced 
to  be  brothers  or  even  sons  of  his  ?  Would  you 
have  acquitted  him  ?  For  Eratosthenes,  gentle- 
men, must  prove  one  of  two  things, — either  that 
he  did  not  arrest  Polemarchus,  or  that  he  did  this 
justly.  But  he  has  acknowledged  that  he  arrested 
him  unjustly,  so  that  he  has  made  your  decision 
about  him  easy. 

And,  further,  many,  both  citizens  and  strangers, 
have  come  to  ascertain  what  opinion  you  will  hold 
concerning  these  men.  Some  of  whom,  being 
your  own  citizens,  will  go  away  having  learned 
either  that  they  will  suffer  punishment  for  what 
wrongs  they  have  committed,  or  that,  having  suc- 
ceeded in  what  they  were  aiming  at,  they  will 
become  tyrants  of  the  city  ;  but,  if  they  fail,  they 
will  be  no  worse  off  than  the  rest  of  you.  The 
foreigners  in  the  city  will  know  whether  they  ban- 
ished justly  the  Thirty  from  their  cities,  or  unjustly, 
for  if  they  who  suffered  ill  shall  acquit  the  Thirty 
after  having  arrested  them,  surely  these  strangers 
will  think  that  they  have  been  overzealous  in  chas- 
tising them  in  your  behalf. 

Is  it  not  then  a  hard  thing  if  you  punished  with 
death  the  generals  who  conquered  in  a  naval 
battle,  because  they  said  that  on  account  of  the 


92  The  World's  Orators 

storm  they  were  not  able  to  rescue  their  comrades 
from  the  stormy  sea,  deeming  that  you  ought  to 
exact  punishment  from  them  because  of  the  valor 
of  the  dead  ;  but  these  men,  who  as  private  citi- 
zens did  all  that  lay  in  their  power  to  bring  disas- 
ter on  your  fleet,  and  who,  when  they  were 
established  in  power,  acknowledge  of  their  own 
free  will  that  they  put  to  death  many  of  the  citi- 
zens without  trial, — now  ought  they  not  to  be 
punished,  both  themselves  and  their  children,  with 
the  direst  punishments  ? 

PERORATION 

I  wish  to  conclude,  after  recalling  a  few  things 
to  the  recollection  of  both  parties, — the  City  Party 
and  the  Pirasus  Party, — in  order  that,  having  before 
you  as  warnings  the  disasters  which  have  come 
upon  you  through  these  men,  you  may  pass 
sentence. 

And  first,  you  of  the  Town,  reflect  that  by  these 
men  you  were  so  severely  governed  that  you 
were  compelled  to  wage  such  a  war  upon  broth- 
ers, and  sons,  and  citizens,  that  having  been  van- 
quished, you  are  the  equals  of  the  conquerors,  but 
conquering,  you  would  have  been  slaves  of  the 
tyrants. 

These  men,  on  the  one  hand,  from  their  admin- 
istration, would  have  acquired  wealth  for  their 
own  houses;  you,  through  the  war  with  each 


Against  Eratosthenes  93 

other,  have  impoverished  yours.  For  they  did 
not  deign  to  have  you  thrive  along  with  them, 
though  they  forced  you  to  become  odious  in  their 
company  ;  having  reached  such  a  pitch  of  arro- 
gance that,  instead  of  seeking  to  win  your  loyalty 
by  sharing  with  you  their  prizes,  they  fancied 
themselves  friendly  if  they  shared  with  you  their 
dishonors. 

Wherefore  do  you,  now  that  you  are  in  secur- 
ity, to  the  utmost  of  your  power  take  vengeance 
on  them,  both  for  yourselves  and  for  the  men  of 
the  Pir^us,  reflecting  that  these  men,  villains 
though  they  are,  were  once  your  masters,  but  that 
now  you  are  citizens  with  the  best  of  men,  fight- 
ing against  the  enemy  and  taking  counsel  in  the 
interest  of  the  State ;  and  remembering  the  for- 
eign troops,  whom  these  men  posted  on  the 
Acropolis,  as  sentinels  of  their  despotism  and  your 
servitude.  And  to  you,  though  much  more  might 
be  said,  1  say  only  this  much. 

But  you  of  the  Pir^us,  remember,  in  the  first 
place,  your  army — how,  after  fighting  many  a 
battle  on  foreign  soil,  you  were  deprived  of  your 
arms,  not  by  the  enemy,  but  by  these  men  in  time 
of  peace ;  how  you  were  proclaimed  exiles  from 
the  city  bequeathed  to  you  by  your  fathers ;  and 
how,  when  in  exile,  they  demanded  your  sur- 
render of  the  cities. 

In  return  for  these  things,  show  resentment,  as 


94  The  World's  Orators 

you  resented  them  when  you  went  into  exile; 
and  be  mindful  also  of  the  other  evils  which  you 
have  suffered  at  their  hands — how  some  from  the 
market-place,  some  from  the  temples  they  cruelly 
seized  and  put  to  a  violent  death ;  how  others 
were  torn  from  children,  and  parents,  and  wives, 
and  were  compelled  to  become  their  own  murder- 
ers ;  and  they  did  not  even  allow  them  to  receive 
the  common  decencies  of  burial,  deeming  their 
own  empire  to  be  surer  than  the  vengeance  from 
on  high. 

And  those  of  you  who  escaped  death,  after  hav- 
ing experienced  perils  in  many  places,  and  wan- 
derings to  many  cities,  and  expulsion  from  all, 
beggared  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  with  children 
left  in  that  fatherland  which  had  become  hostile 
soil,  or  in  the  land  of  strangers,  through  many 
opposing  influences,  have  come  to  the  Piraeus. 
And  though  dangers  many  and  great  confronted 
you,  being  honorable  men,  you  freed  some  and 
others  you  restored  to  their  fatherland. 

Had  you  been  unfortunate  and  failed  in  those 
aims,  you  yourselves  would  now  be  exiles  in 
fear  of  suffering  what  you  suffered  before.  And 
neither  temples  nor  altars  would  have  availed 
you  against  wrong  on  account  of  the  character 
of  these  men,  which  things  are  a  source  of  safety 
even  to  evil-doers.  And  your  children,  as  many 
as  were  here,  would  have  been  outraged  by  these 


Against  Eratosthenes  95 

men,  and  those  in  a  foreign  land,  for  the  smallest 
debt,  would  have  been  enslaved  from  the  lack 
of  those  to  assist  them. 

I  do  not  wish  to  speak,  however,  of  what  might 
have  been,  seeing  that  what  these  men  have  done 
is  beyond  my  power  to  tell ;  for  it  is  the  work, 
not  of  one  accuser,  nor  of  two,  but  of  many. 
Nevertheless,  there  is  in  me  no  lack  of  indignation 
—for  the  temples  which  these  men  have  bartered 
away  or  defiled  by  entering  them ;  for  the  city 
which  they  impoverished ;  for  the  arsenals  which 
they  dismantled ;  for  the  dead  whom  you  must 
vindicate  by  their  death,  since  you  could  not 
succor  them  when  alive. 

And  I  fancy  they  are  listening  to  us,  and  will 
know  that  you  are  voting,  feeling  that  those  who 
acquit  these  men  have  pronounced  sentence  upon 
them,  but  as  many  as  exact  retribution  from  these 
men  have  taken  vengeance  in  their  names. 

1  shall  cease  accusing — you  have  heard — seen — 
suffered  ;  you  have  them— judge. 

Translated  for  this  volume  by  Mitchell  Carroll,  Ph.D.» 
Professor  in  the  Columbian  University. 


THE  OLYMPIAC  ORATION 

Lysias. 

This  is  a  fragment  of  an  oration  delivered  by  Lysias  at  one  of  the  great  Pan- 
hellenic  festivals  of  Olympia,  where  poets  and  orators  had  opportunity  to  speak 
of  themes  common  to  Greece.  It  was  spoken  in  the  year  388  b.c,  the  year  be- 
fore the  Peace  of  Antalcidas.  Two  powers,  hostile  to  Greece,  had  been  rapidly 
growing.  The  naval  strength  of  Persia  in  the  East  was  greater  than  it  had  been 
for  a  century  ;  Dionysius  I.,  tyrant  of  Syracuse,  was  spreading  his  supremacy  over 
Sicily,  and  the  Greek  towns  of  Italy  were  threatened.  To  this  very  festival  he 
had  sent  a  magnificent  embassy,  hoping  to  obtain  recognition.  But  Lysias 
warns  the  assembled  Greeks  that  in  Dionysius  they  must  recognize  one  of  their 
two  greatest  enemies.     He  urges  them  to  united  effort  against  the  two  foreign  foes. 

HERCULES  is  worthy  of  lasting  memory, 
gentlemen,  not  only  for  his  many  other 
noble  deeds,  but  especially  because,  out  of  love  of 
Greece,  he  inaugurated  these  Olympic  Games,  in 
his  time,  the  Greek  cities  were  unfavorably  dis- 
posed toward  each  other.  But  after  he  had  put 
down  the  tyrants,  and  restrained  the  insolent,  in 
the  most  beautiful  spot  of  Greece  he  instituted 
contests  in  athletics,  stimulated  rivalry  in  wealth, 
and  encouraged  display  of  intellect,  in  order  that 
for  the  sake  of  all  these  benefits  we  might  assemble 
in  the  same  place,  to  see  some  things  and  to  hear 
others.  For  he  deemed  that  the  gathering  in  this 
place  would  become  to  the  Greeks  the  beginning 

of  their  friendship  for  each  other. 

96 


The  Olympiac  Oration  97 

Hercules  indeed  fostered  these  interests  ;  but  I 
am  not  here,  like  the  Sophists,  to  dispute  on  sub- 
tleties nor  to  cavil  about  words — these  I  consider 
are  the  tasks  of  worthless  and  needy  declaimers, 
but  it  is  the  duty  of  a  good  man  and  worthy  citizen 
to  advise  concerning  the  weightiest  matters ;  seeing 
that  Greece  is  in  so  sad  a  plight,  that  much  of  her 
territory  is  under  the  control  of  the  barbarians,  and 
many  of  her  cities  have  been  laid  waste  by  tyrants. 

If  indeed  we  suffered  this  from  weakness,  we 
must  needs  rest  content  with  our  own  misfortunes. 
But  as  it  is  the  result  of  our  strifes  and  contentions, 
why  is  it  not  right  to  cease  from  our  feuds  and 
arrest  their  consequences,  knowing  that  rivalry 
indeed  is  for  the  prosperous,  but  that  it  is  the  task 
of  the  unfortunate  to  devise  the  best  remedies  ? 
For  we  see  that  the  dangers  are  great,  and  are  en- 
compassing us  on  every  side.  You  know  that  the 
power  is  in  the  hands  of  those  who  rule  the  sea, 
that  the  king  holds  the  funds,  and  the  bodies  of  the 
Greeks  are  at  the  disposal  of  those  who  have  the 
money  to  spend,  and  that  he  himself  possesses 
many  ships  and  the  tyrant  of  Sicily  many.  It 
befits  us  then  to  desist  from  war  with  each 
other,  and  with  united  purpose  to  cleave  to  the 
public  weal,  feeling  shame  for  the  past  and  appre- 
hension concerning  the  future.  It  befits  us  to 
imitate  our  forefathers,  who  caused  the  barbarians, 
when  desirous  of  other  people's  property,  to  be 


98  The  World's  Orators 

stripped  of  their  own,  and  who,  by  expelling  the 
tyrants,  made  freedom  common  to  all. 

I  wonder  most  of  all  at  the  Lacedaemonians,  and 
at  the  policy  which  induces  them  to  overlook  the 
conflagration  of  Greece,  they  who  are,  with  perfect 
justice,  the  leaders  of  the  Greeks,  both  for  their 
inborn  gallantry  and  their  skill  in  war.  They  alone 
dwell  exempt  from  ravage,  though  unprotected  by 
walls ;  unvexed  by  faction  ;  strangers  to  defeat ; 
with  customs  that  never  vary.  On  this  account, 
there  is  hope  that  they  will  hold  their  freedom  as 
something  immortal,  and  having  been  in  past 
dangers  the  deliverers  of  Greece,  they  will  con- 
tinue to  be  thoughtful  of  her  future. 

Now,  the  future  can  give  us  no  better  opportunity 
than  the  present.  We  need  not  consider  the  mis- 
fortunes of  those  who  have  perished  as  foreign  to 
us,  but  as  our  very  own  ;  nor  delay  until  both 
powers  come  down  upon  us,  those  of  the  Great 
King  and  the  tyrant  of  Sicily,  but  while  it  is  still 
possible,  restrain  their  insolence.  For  who  could 
not  see  how  mighty  they  had  become  in  their  war 
with  each  other  ?  Being  therefore  not  only  in- 
famous, but  also  terrible,  they  have  committed 
great  wrongs  and  power  has  accrued  to  them  from 
their  evil  deeds ;  yet  the  Greeks  have  taken  no 
vengeance  on  them. 

Translated  for  this  volume  by  Mitchell  Carroll,  Ph.D., 
Professor  in  the  Columbian  University. 


FOR  MANTITHEUS 

Lpsias. 

Mantitheus  was  an  ambitious  young  Athenian,  who  had  done  good  service  in 
war  and  wished  to  distinguish  himself  also  in  council  by  becoming  a  Senator. 
To  obtain  this  office  he  had  to  pass  the  Scrutiny.  The  complaint  was  brought 
against  him  that  his  name  appeared  on  the  list  of  those  who  served  as  knights 
under  the  Thirty  Tyrants,  a  disqualification  for  the  office  of  Senator.  Manti- 
theus first  disproves  this  charge  and  then  urges  his  positive  merits  by  giving  an 
account  of  his  private  life  and  character.  "  Perhaps  nothing  in  Greek  literature 
has  a  fresher  or  brighter  charm  than  this  short  speech — the  natural,  wonderfully 
vivid  expression  of  an  attractive  character." 

IF  I  were  not  convinced,  Senators,  that  my  ac- 
cusers are  desirous,  by  every  method,  to  do 
me  injury,  I  should  have  felt  very  grateful  to  them 
for  this  present  charge  ;  for  1  deem  that  to  men 
who  have  been  unjustly  slandered  there  can  be 
nothing  more  advantageous  than  to  be  compelled 
to  enter  into  a  defence  of  their  life  and  character. 
And  I  am  so  confident  of  my  merits  that  I  am 
persuaded  that,  though  to  some  I  may  now  ap- 
pear in  a  doubtful  or  unfavorable  light,  when  they 
have  heard  my  defence  they  will  alter  their  opin- 
ions and  in  future  hold  me  in  higher  esteem. 

What  I  ask  of  you.  Senators,  is  this  :  If  1  merely 
prove  that  I  am  loyal  to  the  present  system  of 

99 


loo  The  World's  Orators 

government,  and  that  I  was  compelled  to  share 
the  same  dangers  with  yourselves,  let  not  that 
bring  me  any  particular  favor ;  but  if  it  shall  appear 
that  I  have  in  every  other  respect  lived  worthily, 
and  in  a  manner  directly  opposed  to  the  opinion 
and  assertion  of  my  accusers,  then  I  pray  you  to 
ratify  my  admission  to  the  Senate,  and  to  pass  a 
silent  condemnation  on  my  foes. 

Firstly,  I  will  show  that  I  did  not  serve  in  the 
cavalry,  that  I  was  not  in  Athens  in  the  time  of 
the  Thirty  and  did  not  share  in  their  government. 

Before  the  misfortune  in  the  Hellespont,  my 
father  sent  me  to  live  at  the  court  of  Satyrus, 
King  of  Bosporus  ;  1  witnessed  neither  the  de- 
struction of  the  walls  nor  the  revolution  of  the 
government ;  but  I  returned  only  five  days  before 
the  exiles  from  Phylas  occupied  the  Pirasus.  It  is 
not  likely  that,  arriving  at  such  a  crisis,  I  should 
desire  to  share  the  dangers  that  threatened  the 
Thirty  Tyrants,  nor  did  they  appear  to  have  any 
idea  of  sharing  their  government  with  those  who, 
being  far  away,  had  no  share  in  their  crimes,  but 
rather  they  even  outraged  those  who  helped  them 
abolish  the  democracy. 

And  in  the  next  place,  judging  from  the  official 
lists  is  foolish.  For  in  these  the  names  of  many 
who  acknowledge  they  served  in  the  cavalry  are 
not  present,  while  some  who  were  abroad  at  that 
time  are  enrolled.     For  on  your  return  to  the  city 


For  Mantitheus  loi 

you  ordered  that  the  cavalry  commanders  should 
make  a  return  of  those  who  had  served  as  knights 
in  order  that  you  might  compel  them  to  refund 
the  sums  paid  to  them  for  their  equipment.  And 
no  one  can  show  that  my  name  was  handed  in 
by  the  commanders  nor  given  to  the  revenue  com- 
missioners, nor  that  I  had  received  any  allowance. 
And  yet  it  is  plain  to  all  that  the  commanders,  if 
they  were  guilty  of  the  least  inaccuracy  in  their 
returns,  were  subjected  to  a  fine  themselves.  So 
you  should  with  more  justice  put  your  trust  in  the 
returns  of  these  men  than  in  the  official  lists. 

Yet,  Senators,  if  1  had  served  in  the  cavalry  I 
should  not  have  denied  it  as  if  I  had  been  guilty 
of  a  terrible  offence,  but  1  should  claim  if  1  am  not 
convicted  of  injuring  my  fellow-citizens,  that  I 
ought  to  be  passed,  notwithstanding.  And  I  see 
that  you  also  have  this  opinion,  as  you  have  ad- 
mitted several  who  were  then  knights  into  the 
Senate,  and  appointed  many  others  generals  and 
masters  of  horse.  Believe  then  that  I  have  made 
this  defence  for  no  other  reason  than  that  my  ad- 
versaries have  dared  to  heap  calumny  upon  me 
openly. 

I  know  not  that  it  is  necessary  to  say  anything 
further  regarding  the  charges.  Yet  it  seems  to  me. 
Senators,  in  other  trials  the  defence  ought  to  be 
confined  to  the  accusations  ;  but  in  cases  of  scru- 
tiny relating  to  public  offices,  it  is  proper  to  give 


I02  The  World's  Orators 

an  account  of  one's  whole  life  and  behavior.  I 
entreat  you  then  to  hear  me  with  favor,  and  I  shall 
make  my  defence  in  as  few  words  as  possible. 

First  of  all,  though  my  paternal  estate  had  been 
reduced  both  by  the  misfortunes  of  my  father  and 
the  calamity  that  befell  the  city,  yet  1  gave  my  two 
sisters  in  marriage,  each  with  a  portion  of  thirty 
minas  ;  and  I  so  divided  the  property  that  my 
brother  must  confess  that  he  received  the  best 
share  of  the  inheritance.  And  in  my  relations  with 
all  others,  I  have  so  behaved  that  no  one  has  ever 
brought  complaint  against  me.  So  much  for  my 
private  life. 

Nor  has  my  conduct  in  public  life  been  less  inof- 
fensive. It  is  the  best  proof  of  it  that  all  the  young 
gamblers  and  drunkards  and  profligates  are  at  vari- 
ance with  me.  And  it  is  just  they  who  accuse  and 
traduce  me.  Yet  it  is  clear  that  if  we  had  the 
same  tastes  they  would  have  no  such  opinion 
of  me. 

No  one  can  show,  Senators,  that  I  ever  under- 
went a  private  lawsuit  or  a  public  prosecution  or 
an  impeachment  before  the  Senate.  Yet  you  see 
most  men  often  engaged  in  such  cases. 

Last  of  all,  see  whether  I  have  performed  my 
duty  to  the  city  in  military  expeditions  and  the 
dangers  of  war.  For,  first,  when  you  made  the 
alliance  with  the  Boeotians  and  it  was  necessary 
to  send  aid  to  Haliartus,  I  was  selected  by  Ortho- 


For  Mantitheus  103 

bulus  to  serve  in  the  cavalry.  But  when  I  saw  all 
thought  the  horsemen  would  be  exposed  to  little 
danger,  while  the  infantry  would  run  the  greatest 
risk,  though  there  were  many  who,  without  be- 
ing qualified,  mounted  on  horseback,  I  came  up  to 
Orthobulus  and  asked  to  be  erased  from  the  roll, 
deeming  it  a  disgrace  to  be  in  security  while  others 
were  exposed  to  any  danger. 

Again,  when  the  men  of  my  deme  were  assem- 
bled before  their  march,  I  observed  that  there  were 
many  excellent  and  brave  men  who  were  desti- 
tute of  all  necessaries  for  the  expedition  ;  and  1 
urged  that  those  who  were  in  better  circumstances 
should  provide  equipment  for  the  poor.  For  my 
own  part,  I  gave  two  men  thirty  drachmas  each ; 
not  that  I  was  worth  much,  but  to  excite  their 
generosity  by  my  example. 

After  this.  Senators,  when  the  expedition  to 
Corinth  occurred,  and  all  foresaw  that  the  peril 
would  be  great,  while  others  were  declining  to 
engage  in  it,  1  arranged  to  be  posted  in  the  front 
rank.  And  though  my  tribe  was  particularly  un- 
fortunate in  the  engagement  and  very  many  died 
on  the  field,  1  retreated  after  the  gallant  gentleman 
of  Steiria,  Thrasybulus,  who  has  been  reproaching 
all  men  with  cowardice. 

Not  many  days  afterwards,  when  strong  posi- 
tions had  been  occupied  in  Corinth  so  that  the 
enemy  could  not  approach,   and  Agesilaus  had 


I04  The  World's  Orators 

made  an  incursion  into  Boeotia,  the  archons  voted 
to  detach  certain  ranks  to  be  sent  to  the  relief  of 
the  allies.  All  were  afraid  (naturally  enough,  Sena- 
tors, since  they  had  no  sooner  been  bravely  deliv- 
ered from  one  danger  than  they  were  to  be  exposed 
to  another),  but  1  begged  the  commander  to  send 
my  company  without  submitting  it  to  lot.  If  then 
some  of  you  have  resentment  against  those  men 
who  desire  to  be  intrusted  with  State  affairs,  but 
ever  run  from  danger,  you  could  justly  have  no 
such  opinion  concerning  me.  For  not  only  did 
I  obey  orders  zealously,  but  1  also  exposed  myself 
to  voluntary  dangers.  And  to  this  conduct  1  was 
urged,  not  because  I  deemed  it  a  light  matter  to 
fight  against  the  Lacedaemonians,  but  that  if  ever 
unjustly  brought  to  trial,  I  might  on  this  account 
have  a  better  reputation  for  valor  and  in  conse- 
quence get  full  justice. 

Again,  I  have  never  shirked  other  expeditions 
and  terms  of  garrison  duty,  but  have  always  been 
among  the  first  who  took  the  field,  and  among  the 
last  who  retreated.  You  ought  from  such  things 
to  judge  those  who  live  well  and  orderly,  instead 
of  hating  one  for  wearing  long  hair.  Habits  of  this 
sort  injure  the  private  citizen,  not  the  city  at  large, 
but  you  are  benefited  by  those  who  of  their  own 
accord  incur  perils  against  the  enemy.  It  is  not 
right,  Senators,  either  to  love  or  to  hate  a  man  on 
account  of  his  looks  ;  you  must  judge  of  them  by 


For  Mantitheus  105 

their  actions.  For  many,  though  their  voice  was 
low  and  their  dress  decorous,  have  been  the  cause 
of  great  evils,  while  others,  who  pay  no  attention  to 
these  things,  have  accomplished  great  blessings  for 
you. 

Finally,  Senators,  I  perceive  that  some  are  dis- 
satisfied because,  at  so  early  an  age,  I  have  ventured 
to  speak  in  public,  but  the  situation  necessarily 
required  it ;  then,  too,  I  seem  to  myself  to  be 
somewhat  more  ambitiously  disposed  than  I  ought 
to  be,  both  emulating  my  ancestors,  who  never 
abandoned  the  care  of  public  affairs,  and  at  the 
same  time  perceiving  that  you  (for  I  must  speak  the 
truth)  deem  only  such  men  worthy  of  respect.  So, 
seeing  you  have  this  opinion,  who  would  not  be 
led  on  to  speak  and  act  for  the  public?  Why, 
then,  be  angry  with  men  of  this  sort  ?  The  judg- 
ment of  their  character  rests  with  none  but  you. 

Translated  for  this  volume  by  Mitchell  Carroll,  Ph.D., 
Professor  in  the  Columbian  University. 


ISOCRATES 

Isocrates  was  born  at  Athens  in  436  B.C.  He  was  the  son 
of  Theodorus,  a  wealthy  flute  manufacturer.  He  early  came 
under  the  influence  of  Socrates  and  was  instructed  by  the 
Sophists,  Prodicus,  Protagoras,  and  especially  Gorgias.  Excess- 
ive timidity  and  a  weak  voice  kept  him  out  of  public  life. 
After  the  fall  of  the  Thirty  he  wrote  forensic  speeches  for  the 
use  of  others.  In  392  b.c.  he  opened  a  rhetorical  school  at 
Athens,  and  from  this  time  dates  his  twofold  importance  as 
a  rhetorician  and  an  orator.  First,  he  was  an  educator,  teach- 
ing young  men  the  discipline  of  discourse.  The  number  of  his 
pupils  has  been  estimated  to  have  been  a  hundred  or  more; 
among  them  were  the  orators,  Isaeus,  Hypereides,  and  Lycur- 
gus,  and  the  historians,  Ephorus  and  Theopompus.  Secondly, 
he  was  a  political  essayist.  His  great  theme  was  the  union 
of  all  the  Greeks  against  the  foreign  foe,  and  this  hope  was 
the  inspiration  and  the  subject  of  many  of  the  most  important 
of  his  extant  orations.  He  lived  to  see  the  total  wreck  of  his 
most  cherished  ideas  for  the  regeneration  of  Greece,  and  died 
shortly  after  the  battle  of  Chasronea  in  338  b.c. 

Isocrates  was  the  artist  of  a  literary  rhetorical  prose.  Purity 
of  diction,  rhythmical  prose,  the  periodic  sentence,  avoidance 
of  hiatus,  a  skilful  use  of  the  figures  of  speech,  are  his  chief 
characteristics. 

Twenty-one  speeches  and  nine  letters  are  extant  under  his 
name.  These  fall  naturally  into  four  divisions:  (i)  the 
Scholastic,  of  which  the  Antidosis  is  the  most  famous,  as  it 
discusses  at  length  his  theory  of  culture;  (2)  the  Forensic,  of 
which  the  y^giniticus  is  the  best  representative;  (3)  the  Let- 
ters, of  which  those  to  Philip  and  to  Alexander  are  worthy  of 
mention  ;  and  (4)  the  Political,  of  which  the  Panegyric,  on 
which  he  worked  ten  years,  is  his  masterpiece. 

The  standard  edition  of  the  text  is  that  of  Benseler  Blass, 
Teubner,  Leipzig,  1889;  a  good  edition  of  the  Panegyric,  with 
English  notes,  is  that  of  Sandys,  London,  1893  ;  translations 
into  English  are  those  of  Gillies  (1778)  and  of  Freese  (1894). 

On  his  life,  style,  and  works,  see  Blass,  Attische  Bered- 
samkeit,  ii.,  pp.  1-331;  Jebb,  Attic  Orators,  ii.,  pp.  1-260. 

107 


■I^^^^^- 

THE    PANEGYRIC 

[Selection.]  Isocrates. 

Gorgias  and  Lysias  had  already  delivered  speeches  at  Olympia  urging  the  duty 
of  Hellenic  unity  against  the  barbarian.  The  Panegyric  is  a  similar  speech  pre- 
pared by  Isocrates  for  the  Olympic  festival  of  380  b.c.  It  is  not  likely,  how^ever, 
that  he  himself  delivered  it  ;  it  may  have  been  recited  for  him,  or  made  public 
by  copies  circulated  at  this  festival. 

The  Panegyric  falls  into  two  main  divisions.  In  the  first  part  the  orator  urges 
Sparta  and  Athens  to  lay  aside  their  jealousies  and  assume  the  joint  leadership  of 
Greece,  and  shows  that  though  Sparta  now  holds  the  first  place,  yet  Athens  had 
the  better  historical  claim,  and  hence  a  compromise  might  well  be  made.  There 
is  a  tradition  that  Isocrates  spent  ten  years  in  the  preparation  of  this  speech.  It 
is  by  far  the  most  oratorical  of  his  productions,  and  is  of  great  importance  as  the 
most  complete  expression  of  his  ruling  political  idea, — that  of  a  Panhellenic  war 
upon  Persia. 

1HAVE  often  wondered  that  those  who  convene 
the  great  festivals  and  have  established  ath- 
letic contests  have  deemed  physical  excellence 
worthy  of  such  great  rewards,  and  yet  to  those 
who  have  individually  toiled  for  the  public  good, 
and  have  so  formed  their  minds  as  to  be  able  to 
benefit  others  as  well  as  themselves,  to  these,  I 
say,  they  have  allotted  no  honor,  for  whom  they 
ought  to  have  had  more  consideration  ;  for  if  the 
athletes  were  to  acquire  twice  the  strength  they 

possess,  no  advantage  would  accrue  to  other  men  ; 

109 


no  The  World's  Orators 

but  if  one  man  were  to  conceive  a  wise  thought, 
all  would  reap  the  enjoyment  of  his  understanding 
who  were  willing  to  share  it.  Yet  1  was  not  so 
discouraged  by  this  as  to  yield  to  indifference  ;  but 
thinking  that  the  reputation  which  my  speech 
would  win  by  its  unassisted  merit  would  be  a 
sufficient  reward,  I  am  here  to  advise  you  concern- 
ing war  against  the  barbarians  and  harmony  among 
ourselves.  .  .  . 

Turning  to  public  affairs,  there  are  men  who,  as 
soon  as  ever  they  come  forward  to  speak,  advise 
us  that  we  ought  to  make  up  our  mutual  enmities 
and  turn  against  the  barbarian,  and  they  enumerate 
the  calamities  that  have  befallen  us  owing  to  the 
civil  war,  and  the  advantages  that  would  arise 
from  the  proposed  campaign  against  him.  Now, 
although  these  men  speak  truly,  they  do  not  start 
from  the  best  point  for  enabling  themselves  to 
bring  this  about.  The  Hellenes  are  either  subject 
to  us  or  to  the  Lacedemonians ;  for  the  forms  of 
constitution  by  which  they  govern  their  States 
have  divided  most  of  them  in  this  way.  Whoever, 
then,  thinks  that  the  others  will  unite  in  any  good 
policy  before  he  has  reconciled  those  who  are  at 
their  head,  is  a  mere  simpleton,  and  out  of  touch 
with  practical  affairs.  But  if  a  man  does  not 
merely  aim  at  personal  display,  but  wishes  to 
effect  something,  he  must  seek  for  such  arguments 
as  shall  persuade  these  two  States  to  share  and 


The  Panegyric  in 

share  alike,  to  divide  the  supremacy,  and  to  win 
from  the  barbarians  those  advantages  which  now 
they  desire  should  accrue  to  them  from  the  Hel- 
lenes. Now,  our  Commonwealth  would  be  easily 
induced  to  take  this  course,  but  the  Lacedemoni- 
ans are  for  the  present  still  hard  to  persuade,  for 
they  have  inherited  an  erroneous  notion  that  it  is 
their  ancestral  prerogative  to  be  leaders  ;  but  if  it  be 
shown  to  them  that  this  honor  belongs  to  us  rather 
than  to  them,  they  will  soon  waive  their  punctilious 
claims  in  this  matter,  and  follow  their  interests. 

Now,  other  speakers  ought  to  have  started  from 
this  basis,  and  not  to  have  given  advice  about  mat- 
ters of  common  agreement  before  instructing  us  on 
disputed  points ;  but  1  especially  am  bound,  for 
two  reasons,  to  give  most  of  my  attention  to  this 
matter :  first,  if  possible,  that  some  useful  result 
may  be  attained,  and  that  we  may  cease  from  our 
mutual  rivalry  and  unite  in  a  war  against  the  bar- 
barians ;  and,  secondly,  if  that  is  impossible,  that 
I  may  point  out  who  are  those  who  stand  in  the 
way  of  the  happiness  of  Hellas,  and  that  it  may  be 
made  clear  to  all  that,  as  previously  the  old  mari- 
time empire  of  Athens  was  based  on  a  just  title,  so 
now  she  has  a  good  right  to  dispute  the  leadership. 
For,  on  the  one  hand,  if  the  men  who  deserve 
honor  in  each  sphere  of  action  are  those  who  have 
the  most  experience  and  the  greatest  power,  it  is 
beyond  dispute  that  we  have  a  right  to  recover  the 


112  The  World's  Orators 

leadership  which  we  used  to  possess ;  for  no  one 
can  point  to  any  other  State  that  is  so  preeminent 
in  war  by  land  as  ours  excels  in  maritime  enter- 
prises. And,  on  the  other  hand,  if  any  think  that 
this  is  not  a  fair  criterion,  but  that  fortune  is  too 
changeable  for  such  a  conclusion  (since  power  never 
continues  in  the  same  hands),  and  claims  that  lead- 
ership, like  any  other  prize,  should  be  held  either 
by  those  who  first  won  this  honor,  or  by  those 
who  have  conferred  the  most  benefits  upon  Hellas, 
I  think  that  these  too  are  on  our  side  ;  for  the  fur- 
ther back  one  examines  both  these  qualifications, 
the  more  we  shall  leave  behind  those  who  dispute 
our  claim.  For  it  is  allowed  that  our  Common- 
wealth is  the  most  ancient  and  the  largest  and 
most  renowned  in  all  the  world ;  and,  good  as  is 
this  foundation  of  our  claim,  for  what  follows  we 
have  still  greater  right  to  be  honored.  For  we  did 
not  win  the  country  we  dwell  in  by  expelling 
others  from  it,  or  by  seizing  it  when  uninhabited, 
nor  are  we  a  mixed  race  collected  together  from 
many  nations,  but  so  noble  and  genuine  is  our  de- 
scent, that  we  have  continued  for  all  time  in  pos- 
session of  the  land  from  which  we  sprang,  being 
children  of  our  native  soil,  and  able  to  address  our 
city  by  the  same  titles  that  we  give  to  our  nearest 
relations ;  for  we  alone  among  the  Hellenes  have 
the  right  to  call  our  city  at  once  nurse  and  father- 
land and  mother.     Yet  our  origin  is  but  such  as 


The  Panegyric  113 

should  be  possessed  by  a  people  who  indulge  in  a 
reasonable  pride,  who  have  a  just  claim  to  the 
leadership  of  Hellas,  and  who  bring  to  frequent 
remembrance  their  ancestral  glories. 

This  will  show  the  magnitude  of  the  gifts  with 
which  fortune  originally  endowed  us ;  the  great 
benefits  we  have  conferred  upon  others  we  shall 
best  examine  by  a  detailed  narrative  of  the  early 
history  and  achievements  of  our  city  ;  for  we  shall 
find  that  she  has  not  only  led  the  way  in  warlike 
enterprises,  but  is  also  the  founder  of  nearly  all  the 
established  institutions  among  which  we  dwell, 
and  under  which  we  carry  on  our  public  life,  and 
by  means  of  which  we  are  enabled  to  live.  Now, 
of  useful  services  we  must  of  necessity  prefer,  not 
such  as  on  account  of  their  insignificance  escape 
notice  and  are  passed  over  in  silence,  but  such  as 
on  account  of  their  importance  are  spoken  of  and 
kept  in  memory  by  all  men,  both  in  former  times 
and  at  the  present  day  and  in  every  place. 

In  the  first  place,  then,  the  first  need  of  our 
nature  was  supplied  by  the  agency  of  our  State ; 
for  even  though  the  story  is  a  mythical  one,  yet  it 
is  fit  to  be  told  even  at  the  present  day.  When 
Demeter  came  into  the  country  in  her  wandering, 
after  the  rape  of  Persephone,  and  was  kindly  dis- 
posed to  our  forefathers  on  account  of  the  services 
they  rendered  her,  which  can  be  told  to  none  but 
the  initiated,  she  bestowed  two  gifts  which  sur- 

VOL.  I.— 8. 


114  The  World's  Orators 

pass  all  others  :  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  which  have 
saved  us  from  the  life  of  wild  beasts,  and  the 
mystic  rite,  the  partakers  in  which  have  brighter 
hopes  concerning  the  end  of  life  and  the  eter- 
nity beyond, — under  these  circumstances,  Athens 
showed  such  love  for  men,  as  well  as  for  the  gods, 
that,  when  she  became  mistress  of  these  great 
blessings,  she  did  not  grudge  them  to  the  rest  of 
the  world,  but  shared  her  advantages  with  all. 
Now,  as  to  the  festival,  we  to  this  day  celebrate  it 
every  year ;  and  as  to  the  fruits  of  the  earth, 
Athens  has  once  for  all  taught  the  uses  to  which 
they  can  be  put,  the  operations  which  they  re- 
quire, and  the  benefits  which  arise  from  them. 
Indeed,  no  one  will  venture  to  disbelieve  this  state- 
ment, after  1  have  made  a  few  additional  remarks. 
For,  in  the  first  place,  the  very  considerations 
which  would  lead  a  man  to  despise  the  story  on 
account  of  its  antiquity,  would  give  him  probable 
reason  to  suppose  that  the  events  had  actually 
happened  ;  for  that  many  have  told  the  story  of 
these  events,  and  all  have  heard  it,  should  make 
us  regard  it,  though  not  recent,  yet  as  worthy  of 
belief.  In  the  second  place,  we  can  not  only  take 
refuge  in  the  fact  that  we  have  received  the  tra- 
dition and  rumor  from  a  distant  period,  but  we 
can  also  produce  greater  proofs  than  this  of  these 
things.  For  most  of  the  cities  of  Hellas,  as  a  me- 
morial of  our  old  services,  send  to  us  each  year 


The  Panegyric  115 

first-fruits  of  their  corn,  and  those  that  omit  to  do 
so  have  often  been  commanded  by  the  Pythia  to 
pay  the  due  proportion  of  their  produce  and  per- 
form their  ancestral  duties  to  our  State.  Yet  can 
anything  have  stronger  claims  on  our  belief  than 
that  which  is  the  subject  of  divine  ordinance  and 
of  widespread  approval  in  Hellas,  where  ancient 
story  bears  common  witness  to  present  deeds,  and 
modern  events  agree  with  the  legends  of  men  of 
old  ?  Besides  this,  if  we  leave  all  this  out  of  con- 
sideration and  take  a  survey  from  the  beginning, 
we  shall  find  that  those  who  first  appeared  upon 
the  earth  did  not  at  once  find  life  in  its  present 
condition,  but  little  by  little  procured  for  them- 
selves its  advantages.  Whom  then  should  we 
think  most  likely  either  to  receive  it  as  a  gift  from 
the  gods,  or  to  win  it  by  their  own  efforts? 
Surely  those  who  are  admitted  to  have  been  the 
first  to  exist,  and  are  at  once  most  highly  gifted 
for  the  pursuits  of  life  and  most  piously  dis- 
posed towards  the  gods.  Now,  what  high  honor 
ought  to  accrue  to  those  who  have  produced  such 
great  blessings,  it  were  a  superfluous  task  to  point 
out ;  for  no  one  could  find  a  reward  commensurate 
with  what  has  been  achieved. 

So  much,  then,  concerning  the  greatest  of  our 
good  works,  first  accomplished  and  most  universal 
in  its  effects.  But,  in  the  same  period,  Athens, 
seeing  the  barbarians  occupying  the  greater  part 


ii6  The  World's  Orators 

of  the  country,  and  the  Hellenes  confined  in  a 
small  space  and  driven  by  scarcity  of  land  into  in- 
testine conspiracies  and  civil  wars,  and  perishing, 
either  from  v^ant  of  daily  necessities,  or  in  w^ar, 
was  not  content  to  leave  things  so,  but  sent  forth 
leaders  into  the  States  who  took  those  most  in 
need  of  subsistence,  made  themselves  their  gen- 
erals and  conquered  the  barbarians  in  war,  founded 
many  States  on  both  continents,  colonized  all  the 
islands,  and  saved  both  those  who  followed  them 
and  those  who  stayed  behind ;  for  to  the  latter 
they  left  the  home  country  sufficient  for  their 
needs,  and  the  former  they  provided  with  more 
territory  than  they  already  possessed ;  for  they 
acquired  all  the  surrounding  districts  of  which  we 
are  now  in  occupation.  In  this  way,  too,  they 
afforded  great  facilities  to  those  who  in  later  times 
wished  to  send  out  colonists  and  to  imitate  our 
State  ;  for  it  was  not  necessary  for  them  to  run  risk 
in  acquiring  new  territory,  but  they  could  go  and 
live  on  land  which  we  had  marked  out.  Now, 
who  can  show  a  leadership  more  ancestral  than 
one  which  arose  before  most  Hellenic  cities  were 
founded,  or  more  beneficial  than  one  which  drove 
the  barbarians  from  their  homes,  and  led  on  the 
Hellenes  to  such  prosperity  ? 

Yet,  after  aiding  in  the  accomplishment  of  the 
most  pressing  duties,  Athens  did  not  neglect  the 
rest,  but  deemed  it  the  first  step  only  in  a  career 


The  Panegyric  117 

of  beneficence  to  find  food  for  those  in  want,  a 
step  which  is  incumbent  upon  a  people  who  aim 
at  good  government  generally,  and  thinking  that 
life  which  was  limited  to  mere  subsistence  was 
not  enough  to  make  men  desire  to  live,  she  de- 
voted such  close  attention  to  the  other  interests 
of  man,  that  of  all  the  benefits  which  men  enjoy, 
not  derived  from  the  gods,  but  which  we  owe  to 
our  fellow-men,  none  have  arisen  without  the  aid 
of  Athens,  and  most  of  them  have  been  brought 
about  by  her  agency.  For  finding  the  Hellenes 
living  in  lawlessness  and  dwelling  in  a  scattered 
fashion,  oppressed  by  tyrannies  or  being  destroyed 
by  anarchy,  she  also  released  them  from  these 
evils,  either  by  becoming  mistress  of  them  or  by 
making  herself  an  example  ;  for  she  was  the  first  to 
lay  down  laws  and  establish  a  constitution.  This 
is  clear  from  the  fact  that,  when  men  in  the  earliest 
times  introduced  indictments  for  homicide,  and 
determined  to  settle  their  mutual  disputes  by  argu- 
ment and  not  by  violence,  they  followed  our  laws 
in  the  mode  of  trial  which  they  adopted. 

Nay,  more,  the  arts  also,  whether  useful  for  the 
necessities  of  life  or  contrived  for  pleasure,  were  by 
her  either  invented  or  put  to  proof  and  offered  to 
the  rest  of  the  world  for  their  use.  In  other  re- 
spects, moreover,  she  ordered  her  administration 
in  such  a  spirit  of  welcome  to  strangers  and  of 
friendliness  to  all,  as  to  suit  both  those  who  were 


ii8  The  World's  Orators 

in  want  of  money  and  those  who  desired  to  enjoy 
the  wealth  they  possessed,  and  not  to  fail  in  serv- 
ing either  the  prosperous  or  those  who  were  un- 
fortunate in  their  own  States,  but  so  that  each  of 
these  classes  finds  with  us  a  delightful  sojourn 
or  a  safe  refuge.  And  further,  since  the  territory 
possessed  by  the  several  States  was  not  in  every 
case  self-sufficing,  but  was  defective  in  some  pro- 
ducts and  bore  more  than  was  sufficient  of  others, 
and  much  embarrassment  arose  where  to  dispose 
of  the  latter,  and  from  whence  to  import  the  former, 
she  provided  a  remedy  for  these  troubles  also  ; 
for  she  established  the  Piraeus  as  a  market  in  the 
centre  of  Hellas,  of  such  superlative  excellence, 
that  articles  which  it  is  difficult  for  the  several 
States  to  supply  to  each  other,  one  by  one,  can  all 
be  easily  procured  from  Athens. 

Now  those  who  established  the  great  festivals 
are  justly  praised  for  handing  down  to  us  a  custom 
which  leads  us  to  make  treaties  with  one  another, 
to  reconcile  the  enmities  that  exist  among  us,  and 
to  assemble  in  one  place  ;  besides  that,  in  making 
common  prayers  and  sacrifices  we  are  reminded 
of  the  original  bond  of  kinship  between  us,  and 
are  more  kindly  disposed  towards  each  other  for 
the  future,  we  renew  old  friendships  and  make 
new  ones,  and  neither  for  ordinary  men  nor  for 
those  of  distinguished  qualities  is  the  time  idly 
spent,  but  by  the  concourse  of  Hellenes  oppor- 


The  Panegyric  119 

tunity  arises  for  the  latter  to  display  their  natural 
excellences,  and  for  the  former  to  be  spectators  of 
their  mutual  contests,  and  neither  spend  their  time 
dissatisfied,  but  each  has  whereof  to  be  proud, 
the  spectators  when  they  see  the  competitors  toil- 
ing on  their  behalf,  and  the  competitors  when  they 
think  that  every  one  has  come  to  look  at  them. 
Great,  then,  as  are  the  benefits  we  derive  from  the 
assemblies,  in  these  respects,  too,  our  State  is  not 
left  behind.  For  indeed  she  can  show  many  miost 
beautiful  spectacles,  some  passing  all  bounds  in 
expenditure,  others  of  high  artistic  repute,  and 
some  excelling  in  both  these  respects ;  then,  the 
multitude  of  strangers  who  visit  us  is  so  great, 
that  if  there  is  any  advantage  in  mutual  inter- 
course, that  also  has  been  compassed  by  her.  In 
addition  to  this,  you  can  find  with  us  the  truest 
friendships  and  the  most  varied  acquaintanceships  ; 
and,  moreover,  see  contests  not  merely  of  speed 
and  strength,  but  also  of  oratory  and  mind,  and  in 
all  other  productions  of  art,  and  for  these  the 
greatest  prizes.  For  in  addition  to  those  which 
the  State  herself  offers,  she  also  helps  to  persuade 
others  to  bestow  the  like  ;  for  those  recognized 
by  us  receive  such  credit  as  to  be  universally  ap- 
proved. Apart  from  this,  whereas  the  other  festi- 
vals are  assembled  at  long  intervals  and  soon 
dispersed,  our  State,  on  the  contrary,  is  for  those 
who  visit  her  one  long  festival  without  ceasing. 


I20  The  World's  Orators 

Practical  philosophy,  moreover,  which  helped 
to  discover  and  establish  all  these  institutions, 
which  at  once  educated  us  for  action  and  soft- 
ened our  mutual  intercourse,  which  distinguished 
calamities  due  to  ignorance  from  those  which 
spring  from  necessity,  and  taught  us  to  avoid 
the  former,  and  nobly  to  endure  the  latter,  was 
introduced  by  Athens  ;  she  also  paid  honor  to 
eloquence,  which  all  men  desire,  and  begrudge  to 
those  who  are  skilled  in  it ;  for  she  was  aware 
that  this  is  the  only  distinguishing  characteristic 
which  we  of  all  creatures  possess,  and  that  by  this 
we  have  won  our  position  of  superiority  to  all  the 
rest  of  them  ;  she  saw  that  in  other  spheres  of 
action  men's  fortunes  are  so  capricious  that  often 
in  them  the  wise  fail  and  the  foolish  succeed,  and 
that  the  proper  and  skilful  use  of  language  is 
beyond  the  reach  of  men  of  poor  capacity,  but  is 
the  function  of  a  soul  of  sound  wisdom  ;  and  that 
those  who  are  considered  clever  or  stupid  differ 
from  each  other  mainly  in  this  respect ;  she  saw, 
besides,  that  men  who  have  received  a  liberal  edu- 
cation from  the  very  first  are  not  to  be  known  by 
courage,  or  wealth,  or  such-like  advantages,  but 
are  most  clearly  recognized  by  their  speech,  and 
that  this  is  the  surest  token  which  is  manifested 
of  the  education  of  each  one  of  us,  and  that  those 
who  make  good  use  of  language  are  not  only  influ- 
ential in  their  own  States,  but  also  held  in  honor 


The  Panegyric  .  121 

among  other  people.  So  far  has  Athens  left  the 
rest  of  mankind  behind  in  thought  and  expression 
that  her  pupils  have  become  the  teachers  of  the 
world,  and  she  has  made  the  name  of  Hellas  dis- 
tinctive no  longer  of  race  but  of  intellect,  and  the 
title  of  Hellene  a  badge  of  education  rather  than 
of  common  descent. 

But  that  I  may  not  seem  to  be  lingering  over 
details  of  my  subject  when  1  proposed  to  treat  of 
the  whole,  nor  to  be  eulogizing  Athens  on  these 
grounds  from  inability  to  praise  her  for  her  achieve- 
ments in  war,  I  will  say  no  more  to  those  who 
take  pride  in  what  I  have  mentioned  ;  but  I  think 
that  our  forefathers  deserve  to  be  honored  as  much 
for  the  dangers  they  incurred  as  for  the  rest  of  their 
services.  Neither  small,  nor  few,  nor  obscure  were 
the  struggles  they  endured,  but  many,  and  terrible, 
and  great,  some  for  their  own  country,  others  for 
the  general  liberty  ;  for  during  the  whole  time  they 
did  not  cease  to  open  their  State  to  all,  and  were 
the  champions  of  those  among  the  Hellenes  who 
from  time  to  time  were  the  victims  of  oppression. 
For  that  very  reason  some  accuse  us  of  a  foolish 
policy,  in  that  we  have  been  accustomed  to  sup- 
port the  weaker,  as  if  such  arguments  did  not 
rather  justify  our  admirers.  For  it  was  not  in 
ignorance  of  the  superiority  of  great  alliances  in 
regard  to  security  that  we  took  these  counsels 
concerning  them,  but,  while  knowing  much  more 


122  The  World's  Orators 

accurately  than  other  men  the  results  of  such  a 
course,  we,  nevertheless,  preferred  to  help  the 
weak  even  against  our  interests  rather  than  for 
profit's  sake  to  join  in  the  oppressions  of  the  strong. 
Now,  the  character  and  the  strength  of  Athens 
may  be  seen  from  the  supplications  which  have 
been  addressed  to  us  in  times  past.  I  will  pass 
over  those  of  recent  occurrence  or  small  importance ; 
but  long  before  the  Trojan  War  (for  it  is  fair  to  bor- 
row proofs  from  that  time  in  a  dispute  about  ances- 
tral claims)  there  came  the  sons  of  Heracles,  and  a 
little  before  them  Adrastus,  the  son  of  Talaus,  King 
of  Argos  ;  the  latter  came  from  his  expedition 
against  Thebes,  in  which  he  had  been  defeated, 
being  unable  without  aid  to  recover  the  bodies  of 
those  who  had  been  slain  under  the  Cadmea,  and 
calling  on  our  State  to  render  assistance  in  a  mis- 
fortune that  may  happen  to  all,  and  not  to  suffer 
those  who  had  died  in  war  to  go  unburied,  nor  an 
old  custom  and  ancestral  usage  to  be  broken  ;  the 
sons  of  Heracles  came  fleeing  from  the  enmity  of 
Eurystheus,  and,  passing  over  all  other  States  as 
not  likely  to  be  able  to  help  them  in  their  calami- 
ties, they  thought  our  State  alone  adequate  to  make 
recompense  for  the  benefits  which  their  father  had 
conferred  upon  all  mankind.  From  these  circum- 
stances, then,  it  is  easy  to  see  that  even  at  that 
time  our  State  possessed  a  kind  of  supremacy  ;  for 
who  would  care  to  sue  for  help  either  to  the  weaker, 


The  Panegyric  123 

or  to  those  subject  to  others,  passing  by  those  pos- 
sessed of  greater  power,  especially  on  affairs  not  of 
private  but  of  public  interest,  the  care  of  which 
would  naturally  fall  upon  those  who  claimed  to 
stand  at  the  head  of  Hellas  ?  Further,  they  are 
shown  not  to  have  been  disappointed  of  the  hopes 
which  caused  them  to  take  refuge  with  our  fore- 
fathers. For  they  took  up  arms,  first  on  behalf  of 
those  who  had  fallen  in  battle  against  the  Thebans, 
and  secondly  on  behalf  of  the  sons  of  Heracles 
against  the  power  of  Eurystheus,  and  by  an 
attack  on  the  former  forced  them  to  give  up 
the  dead  to  their  kindred  for  burial,  and,  when 
the  Peloponnesian  followers  of  Eurystheus  in- 
vaded our  territory,  they  went  out  against  them 
and  conquered  them  in  battle,  and  made  him  to 
cease  from  his  insolence.  Now,  these  deeds  added 
a  fresh  glory  to  the  reputation  they  had  already 
won  by  their  previous  achievements.  For  they 
did  not  act  half-heartedly,  but  so  revolutionized  the 
fortunes  of  each  of  these  monarchs,  that  the  one 
who  thought  fit  to  supplicate  us  went  away,  hav- 
ing in  the  teeth  of  his  foes  achieved  all  that  he 
wanted,  while  Eurystheus,  expecting  to  prevail  by 
force,  was  taken  captive  and  himself  compelled  to 
become  a  suppliant ;  and,  although  on  one  who 
transcended  human  nature,  who,  though  begotten 
of  Zeus,  was  still  mortal,  but  had  the  strength  of  a 
god,  he  had  spent  all  his  life  in  casting  commands 


124  The  World's  Orators 

and  insults,  yet,  when  he  offended  against  us,  he 
met  with  such  a  reverse  of  fortune  that  he  came 
into  the  power  of  his  own  sons  and  ended  his  days 
in  contumely.  Now,  many  as  are  the  services  we 
have  rendered  to  Lacedasmon,  there  is  only  one  of 
which  it  has  fallen  to  me  to  speak  ;  seizing  as  an 
opportunity  the  deliverance  which  was  won  for 
them  by  us,  the  ancestors  of  those  who  now 
reign  in  Lacedasmon,  and  descendants  of  Hera- 
cles, went  down  into  Peloponnesus,  occupied 
Argos  and  Lacedasmon  and  Messene,  became  the 
founders  of  Sparta,  and  were  the  originators  of  all 
their  present  greatness.  These  things  they  should 
have  remembered  and  never  have  invaded  this 
country,  from  which  their  forefathers  set  out  and 
won  such  prosperity,  nor  have  brought  into  danger 
the  State  which  bore  the  brunt  of  battle  in  the  cause 
of  the  sons  of  Heracles,  nor,  while  bestowing  the 
crown  upon  his  posterity,  should  they  have  thought 
fit  to  enslave  the  State  which  brought  deliverance 
to  his  race.  Now,  if  we  must  leave  out  of  consid- 
eration gratitude  and  courtesy,  and,  returning  to  the 
original  question,  consider  the  matter  strictly,  it  is 
surely  not  an  ancestral  custom  that  aliens  should 
rule  over  the  children  of  the  soil,  the  recipients  of 
kindness  over  their  benefactors,  suppliants  over 
those  who  gave  them  welcome. 

But  I  have  yet  a  shorter  way  of  proving  my  con- 
tention.   Of  the  Hellenic  States,  with  the  exception 


The  Panegyric  125 

of  ours,  Argos,  Thebes,  and  Lacedasmon  were  the 
greatest  in  former  times  and  still  continue  to  be  so. 
Now,  so  great  was  the  manifest  superiority  of  our 
ancestors  over  all  others,  that  on  behalf  of  the  de- 
feated Argives  they  dictated  terms  to  Thebes  in  the 
height  other  pride,  and  on  behalf  of  the  sons  of  Hera- 
cles they  conquered  in  battle  the  Argives  and  the  rest 
of  the  Peloponnesians,  and  rescued  the  founders  of 
Sparta  and  the  leaders  of  the  Lacedaemonians  from 
the  dangers  of  their  contest  against  Eurystheus. 
So  that  I  do  not  know  what  clearer  demonstration 
could  be  made  of  their  sovereign  power  in  Hellas. 
Now  I  ought,  1  think,  to  speak  also  of  the  achieve- 
ments of  Athens  against  the  barbarians,  especially 
as  the  leadership  of  Hellas  against  them  was  the 
original  subject  of  my  speech.  Now,  if  I  were  to 
enumerate  all  the  perils  we  went  through  I  should 
be  telling  too  long  a  tale  ;  but  in  dealing  with  the 
greatest  of  them  I  will  try  to  adopt  the  same  method 
of  narration  that  I  followed  just  now.  For  the  races 
best  fitted  for  rule  and  the  possessors  of  the  widest 
imperial  power  are  the  Scythians,  the  Thracians, 
and  the  Persians,  and  it  happens  that  all  these  have 
had  hostile  designs  against  us,  and  that  our  State 
has  fought  decisively  against  all  of  them.  Now, 
what  argument  will  be  left  for  my  opponents,  if  I 
can  prove  that,  if  any  of  the  Hellenes  were  unable 
to  get  justice,  it  was  to  Athens  that  they  directed 
their  petitions,  and  that,  when  barbarians  wished 


126  The  World's  Orators 

to  enslave  Hellas,  Athens  was  the  first  object  of 
their  attacks  ? 

Now,  although  the  Persian  War  is  the  most 
famous  that  has  yet  taken  place,  yet  ancient  events 
are  equally  good  evidence  in  a  dispute  about  ances- 
tral claims.  For,  when  Hellas  was  still  of  low  estate, 
there  came  into  our  country  Thracians  under  Eumol- 
pus,  the  son  of  Poseidon,  and  Scythians  under  the 
Amazons,  the  daughters  of  Ares,  not  at  the  same 
time,  but  at  the  times  when  their  rule  extended  as 
far  as  Europe  ;  hating  as  they  did  the  whole  race 
of  the  Hellenes,  they  directed  their  complaints 
against  us  in  particular,  thinking  that  in  this  way 
they  would  encounter  one  State  only  and  yet  at  the 
same  time  become  masters  of  all. 

They  did  not,  however,  succeed,  but  in  conflict 
with  our  ancestors  alone  they  were  destroyed  as 
utterly  as  if  they  had  made  war  against  all  man- 
kind. Now,  the  magnitude  of  the  disasters  which 
befell  them  is  perfectly  clear ;  for  the  traditions  on 
this  subject  would  never  have  lasted  for  so  long, 
had  not  the  actual  events  been  unparalleled.  It  is 
said  of  the  Amazons  that,  of  those  who  came,  not 
one  went  back  again,  and  that  those  who  were  left 
behind  were  driven  from  power  on  account  of  the 
disaster  which  had  happened  here  ;  and  of  the 
Thracians  that,  whereas  in  previous  times  they 
had  been  living  as  our  immediate  neighbors,  owing 
to  the  campaign  which  then  took  place  they  fell 


The  Panegyric  127 

back  so  far  that  in  the  intervening  territory  many 
nations  and  various  races  and  great  cities  were  es- 
tablished. 

Now,  honorable  indeed  are  these  deeds,  and  befit- 
ting those  who  dispute  for  the  leadership  ;  but  akin 
to  those  which  1  have  mentioned,  and  such  as 
were  to  be  expected  from  the  descendants  of  men 
so  great,  were  the  achievements  of  those  who  made 
war  against  Darius  and  Xerxes.  For  although  that 
was  the  greatest  war  ever  set  on  foot,  and  never 
had  so  many  perilous  struggles  taken  place  at  one 
and  the  same  time — against  enemies  who  fancied 
themselves  irresistible  on  account  of  their  numbers, 
and  allies  who  considered  their  valor  unsurpass- 
able— our  ancestors  conquered  both,  in  the  way 
that  was  suitable  in  each  case,  and  proving  superior 
in  the  face  of  every  danger,  earned  as  an  immediate 
reward  the  meed  of  valor,  and  not  long  afterwards 
obtained  the  dominion  of  the  sea,  as  the  gift  of  the 
rest  of  the  Hellenes,  and  without  dispute  from  those 
who  now  seek  to  rob  us  of  it. 

Now,  let  no  one  think  me  ignorant  that  the  Lace- 
daemonians, too,  in  those  critical  times  deserved 
credit  for  many  good  services  to  Hellas  ;  but  on  this 
account  1  have  even  more  reason  to  praise  our  State, 
in  that,  in  conflict  with  such  great  competitors,  she 
proved  so  far  superior  to  them.  But  1  wish  to 
speak  a  little  more  at  length  about  these  two  States, 
and  not  to  skim  over  the  subject  too  quickly,  that 


128  The  World's  Orators 

it  may  be  to  us  a  memorial,  both  of  the  valor  of  our 
ancestors  and  of  the  hatred  of  the  barbarians.  And 
yet  I  am  not  unaware  that  it  is  difficult  for  one  who 
comes  latest  to  the  task  to  speak  of  a  subject  long 
ago  occupied  by  previous  speakers,  and  on  which 
those  citizens  best  able  to  speak  have  often  spoken 
on  the  occasion  of  public  funerals ;  for  it  follows 
that  the  chief  part  must  have  been  already  used  up, 
and  only  a  few  unimportant  points  omitted.  Never- 
theless, starting  from  what  still  remains  to  be  said, 
since  it  is  convenient  for  my  purpose,  I  must  not 
shrink  from  making  mention  concerning  them. 

Now,  I  think  that  the  greatest  services  have  been 
rendered  and  the  greatest  praises  deserved  by  those 
who  exposed  their  persons  in  the  forefront  of  dan- 
ger for  the  sake  of  Hellas  ;  yet  it  is  not  fair  either 
to  forget  those  who  lived  before  this  war  and  held 
power  in  these  two  States  respectively.  For  they 
it  was  who  trained  beforehand  those  coming  after 
them,  inclined  the  multitude  to  virtue,  and  created 
formidable  antagonists  for  the  barbarians.  For 
they  did  not  despise  the  public  interests,  nor  enjoy 
the  resources  of  the  State  as  their  own,  while  neg- 
lecting her  interests  as  no  concern  of  theirs ;  but 
they  were  as  solicitous  for  the  common  welfare  as 
for  their  own  domestic  happiness,  and  at  the  same 
time  properly  stood  aloof  from  matters  which  did 
not  affect  them.  They  did  not  estimate  happiness 
by  the  standard  of  money,  but  they  thought  that 


The  Panegyric  129 

the  surest  and  best  wealth  was  possessed  by  the 
man  who  pursued  such  conduct  as  would  enable 
him  to  gain  the  best  reputation  for  himself  and 
leave  behind  the  greatest  fame  for  his  children. 
They  did  not  emulate  one  another's  shameless  au- 
dacity, nor  cultivate  effrontery  in  their  own  per- 
sons, but  deemed  it  more  terrible  to  be  ill-spoken 
of  by  their  fellow-citizens  than  to  die  nobly  for  the 
State,  and  were  more  ashamed  of  public  errors  than 
they  are  now  of  their  own  personal  faults.  The 
reason  of  this  was  that  they  took  care  that  their 
laws  should  be  exact  and  good,  those  concerned 
with  the  relations  of  every-day  life  even  more  than 
those  that  had  to  do  with  private  contracts.  For 
they  knew  that  good  men  and  true  will  have  no 
need  of  many  written  documents,  but,  whether  on 
private  or  public  matters,  will  easily  come  to  an 
agreement  by  the  aid  of  a  few  recognized  principles. 
Such  was  their  public  spirit,  that  the  object  of  their 
political  parties  was  to  dispute,  not  which  should 
destroy  the  other  and  rule  over  the  rest,  but  which 
should  be  first  in  doing  some  service  to  the  State  ; 
and  they  organized  their  clubs,  not  for  their  private 
interests,  but  for  the  benefit  of  the  people.  They 
pursued  the  same  method  in  their  dealings  with 
other  States,  treating  the  Hellenes  with  deference 
and  not  with  insolence,  considering  that  their  rule 
over  them  should  be  that  of  a  general,  not  of  a  des- 
pot, and  desiring  to  be  addressed  as  leaders  rather 

VOL.  1. — 9. 


I30  The  World's  Orators 

than  masters,  and  to  be  entitled  saviors  and  not  re- 
viled as  destroyers  ;  they  won  over  States  by  kind- 
ness, instead  of  overthrowing  them  by  force  ;  they 
made  their  word  more  trustworthy  than  their  oath 
is  now,  and  thought  it  their  duty  to  abide  by  treat- 
ies as  by  the  decrees  of  necessity ;  not  proud  of 
their  power  so  much  as  ambitious  to  live  in  self- 
restraint,  they  thought  it  right  to  have  the  same 
feelings  towards  their  inferiors  as  they  expected 
their  superiors  to  have  towards  them,  and  they 
considered  their  own  cities  as  merely  private  towns, 
while  they  looked  upon  Hellas  as  their  common 
fatherland.  Possessed  of  such  ideas,  and  educating 
the  younger  generation  in  such  manners,  they 
brought  to  light  such  valiant  men  in  those  who 
fought  against  the  barbarians  from  Asia,  that  no 
one,  either  poet  or  Sophist,  has  ever  yet  been  able 
to  speak  in  a  manner  worthy  of  their  achievements. 
And  I  can  readily  excuse  them  ;  for  it  is  just  as 
hard  to  praise  those  who  have  surpassed  the  virtues 
of  other  men  as  those  who  have  never  done  any- 
thing good ;  for  whereas  the  latter  have  no  deeds 
to  support  them,  the  former  have  no  language  be- 
fitting them.  For  what  language  could  be  com- 
mensurate to  the  deeds  of  men  who  were  so  far 
superior  to  those  who  made  the  expedition  against 
Troy,  that,  while  they  spent  ten  years  against  one 
city,  those  men  in  a  short  time  defeated  the  whole 
might  of  Asia,  and  not  only  saved  their  own  coun- 


The  Panegyric  131 

tries,  but  also  liberated  the  whole  of  Hellas  ?  And 
what  deeds  or  toils  or  dangers  would  they  have 
shrunk  from  attempting  in  order  to  win  living  rep- 
utations, when  they  were  so  readily  willing  to  lose 
their  lives  for  sake  of  a  posthumous  fame  ?  And  1 
even  think  that  the  war  must  have  been  contrived 
by  one  of  the  gods  in  admiration  of  their  valor,  that 
men  of  such  quality  should  not  remain  in  obscurity 
nor  end  their  lives  ingloriously,  but  should  be 
thought  worthy  of  the  same  rewards  as  those  chil- 
dren of  the  gods,  who  are  called  demigods ;  for 
even  their  bodies  the  gods  rendered  up  to  the  in- 
flexible laws  of  nature,  but  made  immortal  the 
memory  of  their  valor. 

Now,  continuous  as  was  the  jealousy  between 
our  ancestors  and  the  Lacedaemonians,  yet  in  those 
times  they  exercised  their  rivalry  for  the  highest 
objects,  considering  themselves  to  be  not  enemies 
but  competitors,  and  not  courting  the  barbarian 
with  a  view  to  the  servitude  of  Hellas,  but  having 
one  aim  in  the  common  safety,  their  only  rivalry 
being  which  of  them  should  achieve  it.  Now,  the 
first  proof  they  gave  of  their  high  qualities  was  on 
the  occasion  of  the  expedition  sent  by  Darius  :  for 
when  the  enemy  landed  in  Attica  our  ancestors  on 
their  part  did  not  wait  for  their  allies  ;  but  treating 
the  public  peril  as  if  it  were  their  own,  they  went 
with  their  own  forces  alone  to  meet  a  foe  who  had 
despised  the  whole  of  Hellas,  prepared  with  their 


132  The  World's  Orators 

small  numbers  to  encounter  many  myriads,  as  if 
other  men's  lives  and  not  their  own  were  at  stake; 
and  the  Lacedaemonians  no  sooner  heard  of  the  war 
in  Attica  than,  neglecting  everything  else,  they 
came  to  help  us,  making  as  much  haste  as  if  their 
own  country  were  being  laid  waste.  A  proof  of 
their  rapidity  and  emulation  is  that  our  ancestors 
are  said  on  one  and  the  same  day  to  have  heard  of 
the  landing  of  the  barbarians,  marched  out  to  pro- 
tect the  borders  of  their  territory,  fought  a  victori- 
ous engagement,  and  set  up  a  trophy  over  their 
enemies,  while  the  Lacedemonians  in  three  days 
and  as  many  nights  traversed  twelve  hundred  sta- 
dia in  marching  order.  So  strenuously  did  they 
hasten,  the  one  to  share  in  the  dangers,  and  the 
others  to  fight  before  reinforcements  should  arrive. 
The  next  occasion  was  that  of  the  subsequent  ex- 
pedition, which  Xerxes  led  in  person,  leaving  his 
royal  residence  and  making  bold  to  become  a  gen- 
eral, and  collecting  all  Asia  together ;  in  the  descrip- 
tion of  whose  fall  the  highest  flights  of  eloquence 
have  fallen  short  of  the  reality.  He  reached  such  a 
pitch  of  arrogance  that,  deeming  it  a  small  task  to 
subdue  Hellas,  and  wishing  to  leave  such  a  memo- 
rial behind  him  as  human  nature  cannot  attain  to, 
he  did  not  cease  till  he  had  devised  and  forced  to 
completion  the  feat  which  is  in  every  one's  mouth, 
of  sailing  with  his  army  across  the  mainland  and 
marching  on  foot  through  the  sea,  by  bridging 


The  Panegyric  i33 

the    Hellespont,    and    cutting   a   canal   through 
Athos. 

It  was  one,  then,  of  such  lofty  pride  and  such 
great  achievements,  master  of  so  many  men,  that 
they  went  to  encounter,  dividing  the  risk  between 
them, — the  Lacedemonians  to  Thermopyl^  against 
his  land  forces,  choosing  a  thousand  of  their  num- 
ber and  taking  a  few  of  their  allies  with  them,  in- 
tending in  the  narrow  pass  to  bar  their  further 
advance,  and  our  ancestors  to  Artemisium,  having 
manned  sixty  triremes  against  the  whole  fleet  of 
the  enemy.  And  they  took  heart  to  do  these  things 
not  so  much  from  contempt  of  their  enemies  as  in 
rivalry  with  each  other,  the  Lacedemonians  envy- 
ing our  State  the  battle  of  Marathon  and  seeking  to 
do  the  like,  and  fearing  lest  twice  in  succession 
Athens  should  bring  deliverance  to  the  Hellenes, 
while  our  people  on  their  part  wished  above  all  to 
preserve  their  existing  fame,  and  to  make  it  clear 
to  all  that  their  former  victory  too  was  due  to  valor 
and  not  to  luck,  and  in  the  next  place  also  to  en- 
courage the  Hellenes  to  undertake  a  sea-fight,  by 
proving  to  them  that  in  naval  ventures  just  as  in 
those  by  land  it  is  the  prowess  of  the  common 
people  that  prevails.  But  though  they  displayed 
equal  daring,  their  fortunes  were  not  alike  ;  the 
Lacedemonians  were  destroyed — their  spirits  were 
victorious — their  bodies  only  fainted  and  failed  (for 
indeed  it  would  be  a  sin  to  say  that  they  were  de- 


134  The  World's  Orators 

feated  ;  for  no  one  of  them  deigned  to  flee)  ;  out 
ancestors,  on  their  part,  defeated  the  advanced 
squadron,  but  when  they  heard  that  the  enemy 
were  masters  of  the  pass,  they  sailed  back  home, 
[arranged  affairs  in  the  city]  and  directed  the  re- 
mainder of  their  efforts  so  well,  that,  many  and 
glorious  as  were  their  previous  achievements,  they 
excelled  yet  more  in  the  closing  scene  of  their 
perils.  For  all  the  allies  were  in  despondency,  and 
the  Peloponnesians  were  fortifying  the  Isthmus 
and  seeking  only  their  own  safety,  while  the  other 
States  had  become  subject  to  the  barbarians  and 
were  serving  in  their  ranks,  except  such  as  were 
neglected  on  account  of  their  insignificance  ;  one 
thousand  two  hundred  triremes  were  sailing  against 
them,  and  an  innumerable  land  force  was  on  the 
point  of  invading  Attica  ;  yet,  although  they  could 
see  no  gleam  of  deliverance,  but  were  bereft  of  allies 
and  disappointed  of  all  their  hopes,  though  they 
might  have  not  merely  escaped  the  dangers  beset- 
ting them,  but  have  received  special  distinctions, 
which  the  Great  King  offered  them  in  the  belief  that, 
if  he  added  the  fleet  of  our  State  to  his  forces,  he 
would  immediately  conquer  Peloponnesus  as  well, 
— they  would  hear  nothing  of  his  gifts,  nor  did  they 
in  anger  against  the  Hellenes  for  their  betrayal  glad- 
ly hasten  to  make  terms  with  the  barbarians,  but  for 
their  own  part  they  made  ready  to  fight  for  freedom, 
and  forgave  the  others  for  preferring  slavery.     For 


The  Panegyric  135 

they  considered  that,  though  the  humble  States 
were  right  in  seeking  safety  by  every  means,  those 
which  claimed  to  be  at  the  head  of  Hellas  could  not 
possibly  try  to  escape  their  peril,  but  that,  just  as 
for  men  of  truth  and  honor  it  is  more  preferable  to 
die  honorably  than  to  live  in  disgrace,  so  too  for 
States  of  high  position  it  is  more  profitable  to  dis- 
appear from  among  men  than  to  be  seen  in  a  state 
of  slavery. 

Now,  it  can  be  shown  that  such  were  their 
thoughts ;  for  as  they  were  not  able  to  marshal 
their  forces  against  both  the  hostile  armaments  at 
the  same  time,  they  took  with  them  all  the  multi- 
tude from  the  city  and  sailed  out  to  the  neighbor- 
ing island,  that  they  might  encounter  each  force  in 
turn.  Now,  how  could  men  be  shown  better  or 
more  loyal  to  Hellas  than  they,  who,  to  avoid  bring- 
ing slavery  on  the  rest,  endured  to  look  calmly 
upon  their  city  made  desolate,  their  land  being  laid 
waste,  their  sanctuaries  plundered  and  their  tem- 
ples burnt,  and  the  whole  war  centered  upon  their 
own  country  ?  And  indeed,  even  this  did  not  sat- 
isfy them,  but  they  were  ready  to  maintain  a  sea- 
fight  single-handed  against  one  thousand  two 
hundred  triremes.  Yet  they  were  not  permitted  to 
do  so ;  for  the  Peloponnesians,  put  to  shame  by 
their  valor,  and  thinking  that,  if  our  men  were  de- 
stroyed first,  they  themselves  would  not  escape 
either,  whereas,  if  they  succeeded,  they  would 


136  The  World's  Orators 

bring  dishonor  upon  their  own  States,  were  com- 
pelled to  share  the  peril.  Now,  as  to  the  din 
which  arose  in  the  engagement,  the  cries,  and  the 
shouts  of  encouragement,  which  are  common  to 
all  sea-fights,  1  do  not  know  that  I  need  spend  time 
in  describing  them  ;  but  what  is  peculiar  to  this  en- 
gagement, and  worthy  of  the  leadership  of  Hellas, 
and  in  harmony  with  what  has  been  said  before, 
this  it  is  my  duty  to  tell  of.  So  far  was  our  State 
superior  when  its  power  was  unimpaired,  that  after 
being  laid  waste  it  contributed,  in  the  first  place, 
for  the  battle  on  behalf  of  Hellas,  more  triremes 
than  all  the  rest  who  joined  in  the  fight,  and,  in  the 
second  place,  no  one  is  so  hostile  to  us  that  he 
would  not  allow  that  it  was  by  reason  of  the  sea- 
fight  that  we  conquered  in  the  war,  and  that  this 
fight  was  brought  about  by  Athens.  Now,  when 
an  expedition  against  the  barbarians  is  being  pro- 
posed, who  ought  to  have  the  leadership  ?  Surely 
they  who  in  the  former  war  won  the  greatest  fame, 
having  often  borne  the  brunt  on  their  own  shoul- 
ders, and  in  united  contests  having  gained  the 
prize  of  valor.  Surely  they  who  abandoned  their 
own  country  for  the  general  deliverance,  and  who 
not  only  in  olden  times  founded  most  of  the  Hel- 
lenic States,  but  also  in  later  days  rescued  them 
from  the  greatest  disasters.  Should  we  not  be 
most  hardly  treated,  if,  after  having  endured  the 
largest  share  of  troubles,  we  should  be  thought 


The  Panegyric  137 

worthy  of  a  lesser  share  of  honors,  and,  after  having 
in  those  days  occupied  the  foremost  post,  should 
now  be  compelled  to  follow  the  lead  of  others  ? 

Now,  up  to  this  point  I  know  that  all  will  allow 
that  our  State  had  rendered  more  services  than  any 
other,  and  would  be  fairly  entitled  to  the  leader- 
ship ;  but  after  this,  some  begin  to  accuse  us  on 
the  ground  that,  when  we  succeeded  to  the  empire 
of  the  sea,  we  became  a  source  of  much  mischief 
to  Hellas,  and  in  this  connection  they  reproach  us 
with  the  enslavement  of  the  Melians  and  the  de- 
struction of  the  Scionasans.  Now,  I  think,  in  the 
first  place,  that  it  is  no  indication  that  we  ruled 
badly,  that  some  of  those  who  made  war  against 
us  are  shown  to  have  been  severely  chastised,  but 
it  is  a  much  stronger  proof  of  the  excellence  of  our 
government  of  our  allies,  that  of  the  States  which 
were  subject  to  us  not  one  met  with  such  disasters. 
In  the  second  place,  if  any  others  had  dealt  with 
similar  affairs  in  a  more  lenient  spirit,  they  might 
have  good  reason  to  censure  us  ;  but  since  this  is 
not  the  case,  and  at  the  same  time  it  is  impossible 
to  govern  States  so  many  in  number  without  chas- 
tising those  who  commit  offences,  do  we  not  even 
deserve  praise  for  that  we  were  able  to  hold  our 
empire  longest  with  least  harshness  ?  1  think  all 
are  of  opinion  that  those  will  prove  to  be  the  best 
rulers  of  Hellas,  under  whom  their  subjects  are 
found  to  fare  best.     Under  our  leadership,  then, 


138  The  World's  Orators 

more  than  any  other,  we  shall  find  that  both  pri- 
vate households  increased  in  prosperity  and  that 
cities  became  great.  For  we  did  not  envy  the 
growing  cities  nor  cause  disorder  within  them  by 
planting  side  by  side  opposing  forms  of  constitu- 
tion, that  the  inhabitants  might  fall  into  faction 
and  each  party  court  our  favor,  but,  considering 
the  harmony  of  our  allies  to  be  a  common  benefit, 
we  governed  all  the  States  on  the  same  principles  ; 
our  policy  regarding  them  was  that  of  allies  and 
not  of  masters,  exercising  a  general  superin- 
tendence, and  yet  allowing  them  to  be  individu- 
ally free ;  we  helped  the  people,  and  made  war 
against  arbitrary  power,  thinking  it  monstrous  that 
the  many  should  be  subject  to  the  few,  and  that 
those  who  are  poorer  in  substance  than  others, 
but  in  other  respects  no  whit  inferior,  should  be 
driven  from  office,  and  more,  that,  in  a  country 
common  to  all,  some  should  be  despots  and  others 
mere  settlers,  and  that  those  who  are  citizens  by 
nature  should  by  law  be  deprived  of  all  share  in 
the  administration. 

Having  such  grounds  of  complaint  against  oli- 
garchies, and  more  than  these,  we  set  up  in  the 
other  States  the  same  constitution  as  our  own, 
which  I  see  no  need  for  commending  at  length, 
especially  as  1  can  give  an  account  of  it  in  a  few 
words.  For  under  it  they  continued  living  for  sev- 
enty years  unacquainted  with  tyrannies,  free  as 


The  Panegyric  139 

regarded  the  barbarians,  undisturbed  by  faction 
amongst  themselves,  and  at  peace  with  all  men. 

Our  feelings  are  naturally  so  hostile  to  them, 
that  the  very  stories  that  we  are  most  pleased  to 
linger  over  are  those  of  the  Trojan  and  Persian 
wars,  by  which  we  can  learn  of  their  misfortunes. 
And  you  will  find  that,  while  the  war  against  bar- 
barians has  afforded  us  hymns  of  praise,  war 
against  the  Hellenes  has  been  a  source  of  lamenta- 
tions, and  that  the  former  are  sung  at  our  feasts, 
while  the  latter  we  remember  in  our  misfortunes. 
I  think,  indeed,  that  even  the  poetry  of  Homer  has 
acquired  a  greater  reputation  for  the  noble  way  in 
which  he  praised  those  who  fought  against  the 
barbarians,  and  that  it  was  on  this  account  that 
our  ancestors  gave  to  his  genius  a  place  of  honor 
both  in  musical  contests  and  in  the  education  of 
the  young,  that  by  often  hearing  his  epics,  we 
may  fully  understand  the  enmity  which  exists  be- 
tween us  and  them,  and  that  in  emulation  of  the 
virtues  of  those  who  fought  against  Troy,  we  may 
strive  after  deeds  such  as  theirs. 

It  seems  to  me,  therefore,  that  the  motives  for 
going  to  war  with  them  are  exceedingly  many,  and 
chief  of  all  the  present  opportunity,  which  must 
not  be  thrown  away  ;  for  indeed  it  is  a  disgrace  to 
remember  an  opportunity  when  it  is  past,  instead 
of  using  it  while  it  is  present.  For  what  further 
advantage  could  we  even  wish  to  accrue  to  us  in 


I40  The  World's  Orators 

prospect  of  a  war  with  the  King,  beyond  those 
which  we  now  possess  ?  Have  not  Egypt  and 
Cyprus  revolted  from  him,  Phoenicia  and  Syria 
been  reduced  to  desolation  by  reason  of  war,  and 
Tyre,  on  which  he  greatly  prided  himself,  been 
seized  by  his  enemies  ?  And  of  the  cities  in  Cili- 
cia,  the  majority  are  held  by  our  supporters,  and 
the  rest  it  is  not  difficult  to  win  ;  and  Lycia  no 
Persian  has  ever  yet  completely  subdued.  Heca- 
tomnus,  the  Satrap  of  Caria,  has  in  reality  been 
now  for  a  long  time  disaffected,  and  will  declare 
himself  whenever  we  wish  it.  From  Cnidus  to 
Sinope  Hellenes  live  along  the  coast  of  Asia, 
whom  there  is  no  need  to  persuade  to  go  to  war, 
but  merely  to  refrain  from  hindering  them.  Now, 
with  such  bases  of  operations  to  our  hand,  and 
with  Asia  beset  with  so  formidable  a  war,  why 
need  we  scan  too  minutely  the  future  issue  ?  For 
when  they  are  unequal  to  small  portions  of  our 
power,  it  is  clear  how  they  would  be  situated,  it 
they  were  compelled  to  make  war  against  the 
whole.  The  matter  stands  thus  :  if  the  barbarian 
should  hold  more  strongly  the  cities  on  the  sea- 
coast,  placing  in  them  larger  garrisons  than  at 
present,  possibly  the  islands  also  which  are  near 
the  mainland,  such  as  Rhodes,  Samos,  and  Chios, 
would  turn  aside  to  follow  his  fortunes  ;  but  if  we 
were  to  seize  these  cities  first,  it  is  probable  that 
the  inhabitants  of  Lydia  and  Phrygia  and  the  upper 


The  Panegyric  141 

country  generally  would  be  in  the  power  of  a  force 
operating  from  those  points.  Therefore  we  must 
hasten  and  make  no  delay,  that  we  may  not  suffer 
the  same  fate  as  our  fathers.  For  they,  by  being 
later  in  the  field  than  the  barbarians,  and  abandon- 
ing some  of  their  allies,  were  compelled  to  fight 
with  inferior  numbers  against  a  large  force,  whereas 
it  was  open  to  them  by  crossing  in  time  onto  the 
mainland  to  have  overcome  each  nation  one  after 
the  other  with  the  whole  power  of  Hellas.  For 
experience  teaches  us  that,  when  making  war 
against  men  who  are  being  collected  from  many 
places,  we  ought  not  to  wait  until  they  are  upon 
us,  but  to  attack  them  while  still  dispersed.  Our 
fathers,  it  is  true,  though  committing  all  these 
errors  at  the  first,  retrieved  them  after  passing 
through  the  severest  struggles  in  our  history  ;  but 
we,  if  we  are  wise,  will  be  on  our  guard  from  the 
beginning  and  try  to  be  the  first  to  establish  a  force 
in  the  country  of  Lydia  and  Ionia,  knowing  that 
the  King  too  rules  the  continental  peoples,  not  by 
a  willing  allegiance,  but  by  having  at  command  a 
greater  force  than  they  severally  possess ;  now 
when  we  take  across  a  stronger  force  than  his, 
which  we  could  easily  do  if  we  so  determined,  we 
shall  enjoy  the  fruits  of  all  Asia  in  security.  And  it 
is  a  much  nobler  thing  to  fight  with  him  for  his 
kingdom  than  to  wrangle  among  ourselves  for  the 
leadership  of  Hellas. 


142  The  World's  Orators 

Now,  it  is  right  to  undertake  the  campaign  in  the 
present  generation,  that  those  who  have  had  their 
share  of  troubles  may  also  enjoy  success  and  not 
spend  all  their  life  in  evil  days.  Sufficient  is  the 
past,  in  which  every  form  of  calamity  has  taken 
place.  Many  as  are  the  evils  attached  to  the  nat- 
ural condition  of  men,  we  ourselves  have  invented 
more  evils  in  addition  to  those  which  necessity 
imposes,  creating  wars  and  factions  in  our  midst, 
so  that  some  are  lawlessly  put  to  death  in  their 
own  States,  while  others  wander  with  wives  and 
children  in  a  foreign  land,  and  many,  forced  into 
mercenary  service  by  the  want  of  daily  necessities, 
die  fighting  for  foes  against  friends.  At  this  no 
one  has  ever  yet  shown  indignation,  yet  they 
see  fit  to  weep  over  the  tales  of  calamity  com- 
posed by  poets,  while,  beholding  with  indiffer- 
ence the  real  woes,  many  and  terrible,  which  are 
caused  by  war,  they  are  so  far  from  feeling  pity 
that  they  even  rejoice  more  at  one  another's 
troubles  than  at  their  own  good  fortune.  Many 
perhaps  would  even  ridicule  my  simplicity,  were  I 
to  mourn  over  the  misfortunes  of  individuals  in 
times  like  these,  in  which  Italy  has  become  a 
wasted  land,  Sicily  has  been  enslaved,  and  so 
many  States  have  been  given  up  to  the  barbarians, 
while  the  remaining  portions  of  Hellas  are  in  the 
midst  of  the  greatest  dangers. 

For  these  things  it  is  but  right  that  we  should 


The  Panegyric  143 

feel  indignation  and  consider  how  we  shall  take 
vengeance  for  the  past  and  set  the  future  on  a  right 
footing.  For  it  is  a  disgrace  that,  while  in  private 
life  we  think  it  fitting  to  use  the  barbarians  as 
domestic  servants,  we  should  in  public  affairs 
suffer  so  many  of  our  allies  to  be  in  slavery  to 
them,  and  that,  whereas  those  who  lived  in  the 
time  of  the  Trojan  war  did  for  the  rape  of  one 
woman  all  join  so  heartily  in  the  indignation  of 
those  who  had  suffered  the  wrong,  that- they  did 
not  cease  to  carry  on  the  war  until  they  had  laid 
in  ruins  the  city  of  the  man  who  had  dared  to 
commit  the  offence  ;  we,  on  the  contrary,  wreak 
no  public  vengeance  for  outrages  which  are  being 
inflicted  upon  the  whole  of  Hellas,  though  it  is  in 
our  power  to  achieve  things  worthy  of  aspiration. 
For  it  is  only  a  war  of  this  kind  which  is  better  than 
peace,  a  war  more  like  a  sacred  embassy  than  a 
campaign,  and  to  the  interest  of  both  parties,  both 
those  who  prefer  to  live  in  quiet,  and  those  who 
desire  to  go  to  war ;  for  it  would  enable  the  former 
to  reap  in  security  the  fruits  of  their  own  posses- 
sions, and  the  latter  to  acquire  great  riches  out  of 
the  possessions  of  others. 

Now,  in  many  directions  it  will  be  found  on  con- 
sideration that  this  course  of  action  is  most  to  our 
profit.  For  consider :  against  whom  should  war 
be  made  by  those  who  desire  no  selfish  aggression, 
but  look  to  justice  alone  ?    Surely  against  those 


144  The  World's  Orators 

who  formerly  did  injury  to  Hellas,  are  now 
scheming  against  us,  and  always  entertain  hostile 
feelings  towards  us.  Against  whom  may  envy  be 
fairly  cherished  by  men  who  are  not  altogether 
given  over  to  an  unmanly  jealousy,  but  indulge 
this  feeling  with  discretion  ?  Surely  against  those 
who  have  encompassed  themselves  with  power 
too  great  for  men  to  hold,  and  yet  are  deserving 
of  less  than  those  who  are  unfortunate  in  our 
country.  Against  whom  should  a  campaign  be 
conducted  by  those  who  wish  to  act  as  pious  men 
and  at  the  same  time  desire  their  own  advantage  ? 
Surely  against  those  who  are  both  our  natural  and 
our  ancestral  enemies,  who  possess  the  highest 
prosperity  with  the  smallest  power  of  striking  a 
blow  in  its  defence.  Now,  the  Persians  are  open 
to  all  these  reproaches.  Moreover,  we  shall  not 
even  trouble  the  States  by  levying  soldiers  from 
them,  which  is  now  a  most  severe  burden  to  them 
in  our  civil  war ;  for  I  think  that  far  fewer  will  wish 
to  stay  behind  than  will  desire  to  follow  in  our 
train.  For  who,  be  he  young  or  old,  has  a  heart 
so  unmoved  that  he  will  not  wish  to  take  his  part 
in  this  expedition,  an  expedition  generalled  by 
Athenians  and  Lacedaemonians,  mustering  on  be- 
half of  the  freedom  of  the  allies,  going  forth  at  the 
bidding  of  all  Hellas,  and  marching  to  the  chas- 
tisement of  the  barbarians  ?  What  fame,  and 
name,  and  glory  must  we  deem  that  these  men, 


The  Panegyric  145 

who  have  been  foremost  in  so  great  an  enterprise, 
will  enjoy  while  living,  or  dying  will  leave  behind 
them  ?  For  whereas  they  who  fought  against 
Alexander  and  took  one  city  were  deemed  worthy 
of  such  praises,  what  eulogies  must  we  expect 
will  be  won  by  the  conquerors  of  all  Asia  ?  For 
surely  every  one  who  has  the  gift  of  poetry  or  the 
power  of  speech  will  toil  and  study  in  the  wish  to 
leave  behind  him  for  all  time  a  memorial  at  once 
of  his  own  genius  and  of  their  valor  ? 

Now,  I  do  not  find  myself  of  the  same  opinion  at 
the  present  moment  as  at  the  beginning  of  my 
speech.  Then  I  thought  I  should  be  able  to  speak 
in  a  fashion  worthy  of  my  subject ;  now  I  cannot 
attain  to  its  magnitude,  and  much  that  I  thought 
of  has  escaped  me.  You  must  then  for  yourselves 
consider  together  what  happiness  we  should  gain 
by  turning  against  the  inhabitants  of  the  continent 
the  war  which  now  besets  us  here,  and  by  trans- 
ferring to  Europe  the  happiness  of  Asia.  You 
must  not  go  away  hearers  and  no  more,  but  the 
men  of  action  should  with  mutual  exhortation  en- 
deavor to  reconcile  our  State  to  that  of  the  Lace- 
daemonians, while  those  who  dispute  the  palm  of 
oratory  should  cease  to  write  concerning  fiduciary 
deposit  and  the  other  trifling  subjects  of  their  con- 
versation, and  should  rather  direct  their  rivalry 
against  this  discourse  and  consider  how  to  speak 
better  than   1  have  done  on  the  same  subject, 


VOL.    I. — 10. 


146  The  World's  Orators 

reflecting  that  it  does  not  befit  those  who  promise 
great  things  to  occupy  themselves  with  trifles,  nor 
to  engage  in  arguments  from  which  the  lives  of 
their  audience  will  gain  no  advantage  by  convic- 
tion, but  to  employ  discussions,  by  the  realization 
of  which  they  will  not  only  themselves  be  relieved 
from  their  present  embarrassment,  but  will  also  be 
regarded  as  the  source  of  great  blessings  to  others. 

Translated  by  J.  H.  Freese,  M.A.,  for  "The  Ora- 
tions of  Isocrates  "  (Bohn),  published  by  George 
Bell  &■  Sons,  London. 


IS/EUS 

Isaeus  lived  between  420  and  348  B.C.  He  was  born  in 
Chalcis,  and  came  to  Athens  at  an  early  age.  He  wrote 
forensic  speeches  for  others,  and  established  a  school  of 
rhetoric,  in  which  Demosthenes  is  said  to  have  studied.  He 
was  a  pupil  of  Isocrates,  and  a  diligent  student  of  Lysias.  He 
confined  his  attention  chiefly  to  cases  of  inheritance.  He  is  of 
importance  as  representing  the  return  to  practical  oratory,  and 
his  orations  as  representing  the  transition  from  the  studied 
plainness  of  Lysias  to  the  larger  field  of  deliberative  oratory. 

Purity  and  clearness  of  diction,  ease  and  variety  in  composi- 
tion, elaboration  of  proof,  versatility  in  arrangement,  keenness 
in  logic,  make  him  a  perfect  master  of  forensic  conflict. 

Eleven  speeches  of  Isaeus  are  extant,  with  a  large  part  of  a 
twelfth.  All,  except  the  last,  are  concerned  with  the  law  of 
inheritance  ;  the  speech  for  Euphiletus  is  a  case  of  Appeal. 
Of  the  eleven  the  speech  on  the  Estate  of  Ciron  is  most 
distinctively  Isaean. 

For  the  text,  consult  the  edition  of  Scheibe,  1889,  in  the 
Teubner  series  ;  translation  in  English  of  Sir  William  Jones. 
See,  also,  Blass,  Attische  Beredsamkeit,  ii.,  pp.  486-577  ; 
Jebb,  Attic  Orators,  ii.,  pp.  261-368. 


147 


ON  THE  ESTATE  OF  CIRON 

Isceus. 

We  have  in  the  following  speech  a  typical  defence  in  a  forensic  suit  for  the 
possession  of  property — one  that  exhibits  the  powers  of  Isseus  at  their  best. 
"Ciron  married  his  first  cousin  by  whom  he  had  one  daughter.  This  daughter 
was  married,  first  to  Nausimenes  ;  secondly,  to  another  husband  by  whom  she 
had  two  sons,  of  whom  the  eldest  is  the  speaker.  After  the  death  of  his  first 
wife,  Ciron  married  the  sister  of  one  Diodes,  and  had  by  her  two  sons,  both  of 
whom  died  young.  At  the  death  of  Ciron  his  estate  was  claimed  by  his 
daughter's  eldest  son.  But  the  son  of  Ciron's  brother,  instigated  by  Diodes,  set 
up  a  counter  claim  on  two  distinct  grounds  :  (i)  That  Ciron's  grandson  is  ille- 
gitimate ;  (2)  That,  supposing  him  legitimate,  a  brother's  son  has  a  better  claim 
than  a  daughter's  son.  This  speech  is  the  defendant's  answer."  The  date  is 
probably  about  375  b.c. 

IT  is  impossible,  judges,  to  suppress  our  just 
indignation,  when  men  are  not  only  bold 
enough  to  claim  the  property  of  others,  but  even 
hope  by  their  sophisms  to  refme  away  the  sound 
rules  of  law,  as  our  adversaries  are  now  attempt- 
ing to  do ;  for,  although  my  grandfather,  Ciron, 
died  not  childless,  but  left  me  and  my  brother,  the 
sons  of  his  legitimate  daughter,  yet  these  men  have 
both  claimed  his  estate,  as  his  next  of  kin,  and 
insult  us  with  asserting  that  we  are  not  his  grand- 
sons, and  that  he  never  had  a  daughter  in  his  life  ; 

to  this  audacity  have  they  been  incited  by  their 

149 


150  The  World's  Orators 

sordid  love  of  gain,  and  allured  by  the  value  of 
Ciron's  estate,  which  they  violently  seized,  and 
now  unjustly  possess ;  being  absurd  enough  to 
allege  that  he  died  in  indigence,  yet  contending  at 
the  same  time  that  they  have  a  right  to  his  fortune. 
Now,  1  consider  myself  as  contending  in  this  cause, 
not  with  the  nominal  party  to  the  suit,  but  with 
Diodes  of  Phlya,  whose  mad  violence  has  pro- 
cured him  the  name  of  Orestes  ;  for  it  was  he,  who 
first  instigated  my  opponent  to  give  us  this  trouble, 
with  an  intent  to  deprive  us  of  our  succession  to 
the  property  of  our  grandfather,  and  has  thus  ex- 
posed us  to  danger,  that  he  may  not  be  compelled 
to  restore  the  goods  which  he  has  embezzled,  if 
he  can  persuade  you  by  his  false  allegations  to 
pronounce  your  decree  in  his  favor.  These  being 
their  machinations,  it  is  necessary  for  you  to  be 
informed  of  the  whole  transaction,  that,  when  you 
are  fully  apprised  of  every  circumstance,  you  may 
decide  the  cause  from  your  perfect  knowledge  of 
it ;  and,  if  you  have  ever  attended  to  any  other 
cause,  hear  this,  1  entreat  you,  with  attention  ;  jus- 
tice indeed  requires  it ;  for  in  the  many  suits  with 
which  Athens  abounds,  no  man  will  be  found  to 
have  invaded  the  possessions  of  another  with 
more  impudence  and  a  greater  contempt  of  de- 
cency than  these  confederates.  It  is  no  easy  task, 
judges,  for  one,  wholly  void  of  experience  in 
courts,  to  enter  into  a  contest  of  so  great  im- 


On  the  Estate  of  Ciron  151 

portance  against  the  premeditated  quibbles  of  sub- 
tle speakers,  and  against  witnesses  prepared  to 
violate  the  truth  ;  yet  I  am  not  without  hopes  of 
being  restored  to  my  rights  by  your  sentence,  and 
of  speaking  so  far  at  least  with  tolerable  propriety 
as  to  support  my  just  demand,  unless  some  such 
misfortune  should  befall  me  as  1  cannot  even  now 
help  fearing  ;  I  supplicate  you  therefore,  judges,  to 
hear  me  with  candor,  and,  if  you  think  me  injured, 
to  redress  the  injury  which  1  have  sustained. 

First,  then,  I  will  convince  you  that  my  mother 
was  the  legitimate  daughter  of  Ciron,  and  will  prove 
by  hearsay  evidence  what  happened  a  long  time 
ago,  and  by  living  witnesses  what  it  is  still  possi- 
ble for  them  to  remember;  to  this  I  will  add  a 
number  of  circumstances,  which  are  often  more 
decisive  than  the  testimony  of  fallible  men;  and 
when  I  have  evinced  the  truth  of  this  point  beyond 
a  doubt,  I  will  demonstrate,  that  we  have  a  juster 
claim  than  our  adversaries  to  the  estate  of  the  de- 
ceased. I  will  begin  my  narrative  from  that  part 
of  the  case,  whence  they  also  began  their  argu- 
ment. 

My  grandfather  Ciron,  judges,  married  his  first 
cousin,  the  daughter  of  his  mother's  sister,  who 
bore  my  mother,  and  died  three  years  after  mar- 
riage. Ciron,  having  this  only  daughter,  took  for 
his  second  wife  the  sister  of  Diodes,  by  whom  he 
had  two  sons :  with  her  and  her  children,  my 


152  The  World's  Orators 

mother  was  educated,  and,  when  she  attained  a 
proper  age,  was  given  by  her  father  in  marriage  to 
Nausimenes  of  Cholargia,  with  a  fortune  of  twenty- 
five  minas,  together  with  clothes  and  ornaments 
of  gold.  Three  or  four  years  after  this,  Nausi- 
menes died  of  a  violent  disorder,  leaving  no  chil- 
dren by  my  mother,  whom  Ciron  received  again 
into  his  family  (but  without  her  entire  portion,  as 
her  husband  had  been  in  distress)  and  gave  her  to 
my  father  with  a  fortune  of  a  thousand  drachmas. 
That  all  these  transactions  really  passed,  as  I  relate 
them,  and  fully  disprove  the  false  pretences  on 
which  our  adversaries  insist,  I  discovered  a  method 
of  evincing  with  the  utmost  clearness;  for,  whether 
my  mother  was,  or  was  not,  the  daughter  of  Ciron, 
whether  she  made  part  of  his  family  or  not,  whether 
he  solemnized  her  two  nuptials,  and  what  fortune 
he  gave  with  her  to  each  of  her  husbands,  all  this 
must  necessarily  be  known  to  his  servants  of  both 
sexes;  desiring  therefore  in  addition  to  the  evi- 
dence, which  I  shall  adduce,  to  confirm  these  facts 
by  an  extorted  confession,  that  you  might  give  the 
greater  credit  to  such  witnesses  as  had  previously 
exhibited  a  proof  of  their  veracity,  I  proposed  to 
my  antagonists,  that  the  male  and  female  slaves 
should  be  questioned  on  the  rack  concerning  their 
knowledge  of  these  occurrences;  but  this  very 
Diodes,  who  will  presently  entreat  you  to  believe 
his  witnesses,  declined  so  easy  a  mode  of  discov- 


On  the  Estate  of  Ciron  153 

ering  the  truth.  If  then  his  refusal  to  accept  my 
offer,  which  must  be  imputed  to  his  fear  of  so 
decisive  an  investigation,  be  clearly  proved,  what 
remains  to  be  thought  of  his  witnesses?  Nothing, 
in  my  opinion,  but  that  they  are  forsworn ;  in 
proof  of  this  fact,  read  first  the  deposition,  which  1 
have  brought.     [Deposition  is  read.] 

Now,  you  are  all,  1  believe,  persuaded,  that  an 
inquisition  by  torture,  both  in  public  and  private 
causes,  is  the  best  and  surest  mode  of  investigat- 
ing the  truth  ;  nor,  when  both  freemen  and  slaves 
are  present  and  it  is  expedient  to  obtain  a  discov- 
ery of  facts,  is  it  your  custom  to  examine  the  free- 
men, but  to  rack  the  slaves,  and  thus  to  extort  a 
true  relation  of  all  that  has  happened ;  in  this 
respect  you  think  and  act  wisely,  judges  ;  for  you 
well  know  that  many  persons  examined  in  the 
usual  form  have  given  evidence  indubitably  false  ; 
but  of  all  those  who  have  been  exposed  to  torture, 
none  have  ever  been  convicted  of  falsehood  ;  and 
will  this  most  audacious  of  men  request  you  to  be- 
lieve his  artful  pretences,  and  his  witnesses,  who 
swear  against  truth,  when  he  declines  a  mode  of 
proof  so  exact  and  conclusive  ?  Our  conduct  is 
widely  different  ;  and,  as  we  first  proposed  to  dis- 
cover the  whole  transaction  by  the  means  of  tor- 
ture, to  which  proposal  we  have  proved  that  they 
would  not  consent,  we  think  it  reasonable  that 
our  witnesses  should  be  credited.      Read   next 


154  The  World's  Orators 

these  depositions,  which  prove  my  mother's  legit- 
imacy.    [Depositions  are  read.] 

Whom  can  we  suppose  acquainted  with  what 
happened  so  long  ago?  Those,  no  doubt,  who 
were  intimate  with  my  grandfather ;  their  testi- 
mony then  has  been  repeated  by  many  who  heard 
them  assert  the  truth  of  it.  Who  must  unavoid- 
ably know  that  my  mother  was  given  in  mar- 
riage ?  Those  who  betrothed  her,  and  those  who 
were  present  at  the  time  of  the  affiance ;  to  this 
point,  therefore,  we  have  adduced  the  evidence  of 
persons  who  were  connected  both  with  my  father 
and  with  Nausimenes.  Who  must  be  conscious 
that  she  was  bred  in  the  house  of  Ciron,  and  that 
she  was  his  legitimate  daughter  ?  My  adversaries 
themselves  have  shown  this  to  be  true,  by  declin- 
ing the  discovery  proposed  ;  so  that  you  cannot 
justly  disbelieve  our  witnesses,  but  have  great 
reason  to  suspect  the  credibility  of  theirs. 

To  these  arguments  may  be  added  many  cir- 
cumstances which  prove  that  our  mother  was  the 
daughter  of  Ciron  ;  for,  as  it  became  a  man  to 
treat  the  sons  of  his  own  daughter,  he  never  made 
a  sacrifice  without  us  ;  but,  whether  he  solemnized 
the  greater  festivals  or  the  less,  we  were  always 
present  and  always  partook  of  them  ;  nor  were  we 
invited  to  these  only,  but  he  constantly  carried  us 
into  the  country  to  the  Dionysian  feasts  ;  with  him 
we  sat  to  view  the  games,  and  at  his  house  we 


On  the  Estate  of  Ciron  155 

passed  every  holiday.  Besides,  he  most  assidu- 
ously paid  his  adorations  to  Jupiter  the  Enricher, 
into  whose  temple  he  admitted  no  slave  whatever, 
nor  any  freemen  who  were  not  of  his  family,  but 
conducted  the  whole  ceremony  himself ;  yet  even 
of  this  celebrity  were  we  partakers,  performing  the 
holy  rites  together  with  him,  and  assisting  him  in 
the  operations  of  the  sacrifices ;  he  then  prayed 
the  deity  (as  a  grandfather  would  naturally  pray) 
to  grant  us  good  health  and  ample  gains  ;  nor,  had 
he  not  believed  us  to  be  his  daughter's  children, 
and  the  only  lineal  descendants,  whom  he  was  to 
leave  behind  him,  would  he  have  shown  us  this 
parental  affection,  but  would  have  taken  for  his 
companion  the  man  who  now  pretends  to  be  his 
nephew.  The  truth  of  all  this  must  be  accurately 
known  by  my  grandfather's  slaves,  whom  this 
man  will  not  suffer  to  be  interrogated  on  the  rack  ; 
but  the  same  facts  were  notorious  also  to  some  of 
his  intimate  friends,  whose  evidence  shall  now  be 
produced  ;  take  their  depositions  and  read  them  to 
the  court.     [Depositions  are  read.] 

Nor  from  these  transactions  alone  is  it  manifest 
that  our  mother  was  the  legitimate  daughter  of  Ci- 
ron, but  also  from  the  conduct  of  our  own  father, 
and  from  the  manner  in  which  she  herself  was 
treated  by  the  women  of  the  same  borough  ;  for, 
when  my  father  married  her,  he  gave  an  entertain- 
ment, to  which  he  invited  three  of  his  acquaint- 


156  The  World's  Orators 

ances,  besides  his  particular  friends,  and  presented 
those  of  his  ward  with  the  nuptial  victim,  accord- 
ing to  their  institutions  :  after  this  the  wives  of  his 
fellow-burgesses  elected  her,  together  with  the 
wife  of  Diodes  the  Pithian,  to  lead  the  procession 
and  perform  divine  rites  at  the  temple  of  Ceres ; 
and  my  father,  when  we  were  born,  introduced  us 
to  his  ward,  having  previously  sworn,  as  the  law 
requires,  that  we  were  his  sons  by  a  citizen  of 
Athens,  whom  he  had  legally  espoused  ;  nor  did  a 
single  man  of  the  ward,  although  many  were  pres- 
ent who  scrupulously  examine  such  matters,  say  a 
syllable  against  our  admission,  or  entertain  a  doubt 
of  his  veracity.  Now,  it  cannot  be  imagined,  that 
if  our  mother  had  been  what  these  men  falsely  pre- 
tend, our  father  would  have  celebrated  his  connec- 
tion with  her  by  a  nuptial  feast  and  the  usual 
sacrifice  ;  he  would  rather  have  kept  the  whole  af- 
fair secret ;  nor  would  the  matrons  of  his  ward 
have  chosen  her,  with  the  wife  of  Diodes,  to  per- 
form their  sacred  rites  and  to  preside  over  the 
solemnity,  but  would  have  given  that  respectable 
charge  to  another ;  nor  would  the  members  of  the 
ward  have  received  us,  but  would  have  objected 
to  our  admission,  and  justified  their  objection,  had 
it  not  been  allowed  on  all  sides  that  our  mother 
was  Ciron's  legitimate  daughter :  the  truth  indeed 
of  this  fact  is  now  so  apparent,  and  so  many  per- 
sons have  a  perfect  knowledge  of  it,  that  it  is  no- 


On  the  Estate  of  Ciron  157 

where  disputed.  Call  up  the  witnesses,  who  will 
prove  what  I  have  last  asserted.  [Evidence  is  sub- 
mitted.] 

Yet  further,  judges ;  that  we  are  the  acknow- 
ledged grandsons  of  Ciron,  the  behavior  of  Diodes 
himself,  after  my  grandfather's  death,  will  clearly 
demonstrate ;  for  1  went,  accompanied  by  one  of 
my  friends,  a  cousin  of  my  father,  to  bring  the  body 
to  my  own  house,  from  which  I  intended  to  begin 
the  funeral  procession  :  Diodes  was  not  within  ; 
but,  when  I  entered,  and  was  directing  the  assist- 
ants, whom  I  had  brought,  to  remove  the  corse, 
my  grandfather's  widow  entreated  me  to  begin  the 
funeral  from  her  house,  offering  to  assist  us  in  lay- 
ing out  and  embalming  the  body  :  she  wept  and 
supplicated,  judges,  till  she  prevailed ;  and,  meeting 
Diodes,  I  told  him  before  witnesses,  that,  as  his 
sister  had  requested  me,  the  remains  of  Ciron 
should  be  carried  to  the  place  of  burial  from  the 
house  in  which  he  died  :  to  this  he  made  no  objec- 
tion, but  said  that  he  had  brought  some  things 
necessary  for  the  funeral,  and  had  given  earnest  for 
them  ;  he  therefore  exacted  a  promise  from  me  to 
pay  what  they  cost,  and  desired  me  to  give  him 
back  the  earnest,  engaging  to  bring  me  to  those 
who  had  received  it  of  him  :  soon  after,  indeed,  he 
affected  to  insinuate  that  Ciron  died  insolvent, 
though  I  had  not  then  spoken  a  word  about  his 
fortune.    Now,  if  he  had  not  known  me  to  be  the 


158  The  World's  Orators 

grandson  of  Ciron,  he  would  never  have  made  such 
an  agreement  v/ith  me,  but  would  rather  have  ad- 
dressed me  thus:  "What  man  are  you?  What 
concern  have  you  with  the  burial  ?  I  know  you 
not :  come  not  within  my  doors."  This  he  should 
then  have  said  himself,  which  he  has  now  suborned 
others  to  say  :  nothing,  however,  of  the  kind  was 
even  intimated  by  him,  but  he  requested  me  to 
bring  him  the  money  on  the  next  morning ;  and 
here,  to  prove  the  truth  of  this  narrative,  let  the 
witnesses  be  called.     [Evidence  is  introduced.] 

Nor  was  he  alone  silent  on  this  head  ;  but  even 
the  present  claimant  of  the  estate  advanced  noth- 
ing in  opposition  to  my  right,  till  he  was  insti- 
gated by  this  fellow  to  dispute  it ;  for  when  I 
carried  the  money  on  the  following  day.  Diodes 
refused  to  accept  it,  alleging  that  he  had  received 
it  from  my  adversary  ;  yet  I  was  not  prevented 
from  joining  in  the  funeral  rites,  but  assisted  at  the 
whole  ceremony  ;  the  expenses  of  which  were  not 
borne  by  my  opponent,  but  were  defrayed  out  of 
the  money  which  Ciron  left :  now,  it  would  have 
become  him,  if  the  deceased  had  not  been  really 
my  grandfather,  to  have  thrust  me  out,  to  have 
expelled  me,  and  to  have  hindered  me  from  con- 
ducting the  burial  in  conjunction  with  them.  Our 
situations  in  this  respect  were  by  no  means  simi- 
lar ;  for  I  permitted  him,  as  the  nephew  of  my 
grandfather,  to  act  in  concert  with  me ;  but  he 


On  the  Estate  of  Ciron  159 

should  not  have  suffered  me  to  join  with  him,  if 
that  had  been  true,  which  they  now  have  the  im- 
pudence to  allege.  To  such  a  degree,  indeed,  was 
Diodes  confounded  with  the  truth  of  my  asser- 
tions, when  in  my  funeral  oration  I  accused  him 
by  name  of  an  attempt  to  invade  my  property,  and 
of  inciting  my  antagonist  to  make  this  unjust 
claim,  that  he  dared  not  even  mutter  a  syllable 
against  me,  much  less  insinuate  what  he  now  so 
audaciously  advances.  Call  those  also  who  will 
prove  this  fact.    [Witnesses  are  heard.] 

What  now,  in  the  name  of  the  gods,  can  induce 
us  to  believe  what  we  hear  asserted  ?  Is  it  not 
the  testimony  of  witnesses  ?  1  think  it  undeniable. 
How  can  their  evidence  be  procured  ?  Is  it  not  by 
the  fear  of  torture  ?  Most  assuredly.  Why  then 
should  you  give  no  credit  to  the  allegations  of  my 
adversaries  ?  Is  it  because  they  declined  to  com- 
plete a  proof?  yes,  beyond  a  doubt.  How  is  it 
possible,  therefore,  to  demonstrate  more  clearly, 
that  my  mother  was  Ciron 's  legitimate  daughter, 
than  by  producing  hearsay  evidence  of  what  hap- 
pened many  years  ago,  and  by  giving  you  the 
positive  testimony  of  living  witnesses,  who  know 
that  she  was  educated  in  his  house,  was  considered 
as  his  child,  was  twice  betrothed  by  him,  and 
twice  given  in  marriage  ;  and  by  showing  more- 
over, that  they  refuse  to  examine  the  slaves  who 
had  a  perfect  knowledge  of  all  these  transactions  ? 


i6o  The  World's  Orators 

The  whole  of  this  I  have  given  in  evidence  ;  and  a 
more  convincing  proof,  by  all  the  deities  of  heaven, 
cannot  be  produced ;  but  what  has  already  been 
advanced  seems  fully  sufficient  to  evince  the 
justice  of  my  demand. 

1  now  proceed  to  give  you  entire  conviction,  that 
1  have  by  law  a  greater  right  than  my  antagonist 
to  the  estate  of  Ciron  ;  and  it  is  apparent,  I  be- 
lieve, to  all  of  you,  that  those  who  are  descended 
only  from  the  same  stock  with  the  deceased  are 
not  more  nearly  related  to  him  than  those  who  are 
descended  from  himself:  how,  indeed,  should  it 
be  so  when  the  first  are  his  collateral  kinsmen,  and 
the  others  his  lineal  descendants  ?  Since,  however, 
they  are  daring  enough  to  argue  against  the  mani- 
fest reason  of  the  thing,  I  will  prove  my  point 
more  diffusely  by  arguments  drawn  from  the  laws 
themselves  :  First,  if  my  mother,  the  daughter  of 
Ciron,  were  still  living,  if  her  father  had  died 
intestate,  and  if  this  man  had  been  his  brother  in- 
stead of  his  nephew,  he  would  have  a  power, 
indeed,  to  marry  his  daughter ;  but  no  man  would 
have  a  right  to  his  estate,  except  her  children,  to 
whom  the  law  would  give  it  at  the  age  of  sixteen 
years  ;  if,  then,  were  she  alive,  he  would  not  have 
been  entitled  to  her  fortune,  but  her  sons  would 
have  been  the  lawful  heirs,  it  is  evident,  that,  as 
she  died  leaving  children,  they  only,  not  these 
confederates,  should  succeed  to  her  possessions. 


On  the  Estate  of  Ciron  i6i 

Nor  does  this  law  only  confirm  my  title  ;  but  that 
concerning  distressed  parents  establishes  the  point 
for  which  I  contend  :  had  my  grandfather  been 
alive,  and  in  want  of  necessaries,  the  guilt  of  suf- 
fering him  to  continue  in  distress  would  have  been 
imputed,  not  to  our  adversary,  but  to  us  ;  for  the 
law  enjoins  us  to  support  our  parents,  by  whom 
are  meant  our  fathers  and  mothers,  grandfathers 
and  grandmothers,  and  their  fathers  and  mothers, 
if  they  are  living ;  since,  as  they  are  the  root  and 
stock  of  the  family,  and  as  their  descendants  regu- 
larly succeed  to  their  property,  it  is  just  and  nat- 
ural to  maintain  them,  how  little  soever  they 
have  to  leave.  Can  it  then  be  thought  reasonable, 
that,  even  if  they  had  had  nothing,  we  should 
have  been  liable  to  a  prosecution  for  not  support- 
ing them,  yet,  if  they  leave  a  fortune,  that  these 
men,  not  we,  should  succeed  to  it  ?  By  no  means. 
I  will  begin,  then,  with  the  nearest  of  a  man's 
collateral  relations,  and  will  call  for  your  senti- 
ments on  the  comparison  between  them  and  his 
lineal  descendants ;  for  this  method  will  easily 
convince  you.  Who  was  more  nearly  related  to 
Ciron,  his  daughter  or  his  brother?  No  doubt, 
his  daughter ;  for  she  descended  immediately  from 
him,  but  he  only  derived  his  descent  from  the 
same  ancestor.  Is  the  brother  to  be  preferred  in 
the  order  of  succession,  or  the  daughter's  sons  ? 
Her  sons  indisputably ;  for  theirs  is  a  direct  de- 


void I.— II, 


1 62  The  World's  Orators 

scent,  not  a  collateral  relationship ;  since  then  we 
are  so  far  nearer  than  a  brother,  we  must  have 
considerably  a  better  claim  than  this  man,  who  is 
only  a  nephew.  But  1  fear  lest,  by  dwelling  too 
long  on  a  point  which  cannot  fairly  be  disputed,  1 
should  tire  your  patience  ;  for  all  of  you  inherit 
the  possessions  of  your  fathers,  grandfathers,  and 
ancestors  of  a  higher  degree,  by  the  uncontrovert- 
ible title  of  a  lineal  descent ;  the  case  is  so  clear, 
that  I  cannot  believe  there  ever  before  was  such  a 
contest.  I  shall  therefore  conclude  this  part  of  my 
argument  with  reading  the  law  concerning  the 
distress  of  parents  ;  and  shall  then  explain  to  you 
the  motives  which  induced  my  opponents  to 
harass  me  with  this  cause.    [The  law  is  read.] 

The  property  of  Ciron,  judges,  consisted  of  a 
farm  in  Phlya  well  worth  a  talent,  and  two  houses 
in  the  city,  one  of  which,  near  the  temple  of  Bac- 
chus in  the  Marshes,  was  occupied  by  a  tenant, 
and  might  be  sold  for  twenty  minas ;  the  other, 
which  he  inhabited,  was  worth  thirteen  ;  he  had, 
besides,  some  slaves  who  worked  for  his  advan- 
tage, two  female  servants  and  a  girl,  together  with 
utensils  and  household  furniture,  which,  with  the 
slaves,  were  worth  as  much  as  the  house.  His 
whole  real  estate  may  be  valued  at  rather  more 
than  a  talent  and  a  half ;  and  he  had  no  inconsid- 
erable sum  of  money  out  at  interest,  from  which 
he  received  a  good  annual  income.     Diodes  and 


On  the  Estate  of  Ciron  163 

his  sister  had  long  projected  to  possess  themselves 
of  this  fortune  ;  and,  as  soon  as  the  two  sons  of 
Ciron  were  dead,  he  did  not  remove  her  from  the 
old  man  (though  she  might  then  have  borne  chil- 
dren by  another  husband),  fearing  lest,  if  they 
were  separated,  he  should  dispose,  as  he  ought  to 
have  done,  of  his  possessions  ;  but  persuaded  her 
to  continue  with  him,  to  pretend  that  she  was 
enceinte,  and  afterwards  to  allege  that  she  had 
miscarried  ;  for  he  knew  that  if  Ciron  could  enter- 
tain hopes  of  having  other  children,  he  would  not 
adopt  either  of  us.  As  to  my  father.  Diodes  per- 
petually calumniated  him,  asserting  that  he  had 
conspired  to  seize  the  property  of  Ciron.  His  next 
step  was  to  defraud  my  grandfather  of  all  his 
money,  while  he  pretended  to  execute  the  office 
of  receiving  his  interest,  and  managing  his  landed 
property.  Thus  did  he  inveigle  the  old  man  by 
adulation  and  servility,  till  he  had  all  his  effects 
within  his  grasp  ;  yet,  well  knowing  that  after 
Ciron's  death  I  should  have  a  just  claim  to  his  for- 
tune, he  did  not  prevent  me  from  attending  and 
conversing  with  him  :  he  feared,  I  imagine,  the 
consequences  of  my  resentment  at  that  time  ;  but 
he  has  now  suborned  a  man  to  controvert  my 
right  to  the  succession,  and,  if  he  should  be  victo- 
rious, would  allow  him  a  small  share  of  the 
plunder,  while  he  means  to  secure  the  whole  in- 
heritance for  himself ;  yet,  even  to  this  very  man, 


164  The  World's  Orators 

he  did  not  at  first  acknowledge  that  Ciron  left  any 
estate,  but  affected  that  he  died  in  absolute  in- 
digence. As  soon  as  my  grandfather  was  dead, 
this  Diodes  made  preparations  for  the  funeral ;  the 
expenses  of  which,  as  you  have  heard  from  the 
witnesses,  he  required  me  to  defray  ;  yet  he  after- 
wards refused  to  accept  the  money  from  me,  on 
pretence  that  he  had  before  received  it  from  my 
opponent ;  thus  artfully  intending  to  let  it  appear 
that  he  himself,  not  1,  was  preparing  to  bury  the 
deceased.  When,  therefore,  he  raised  this  contro- 
versy, both  concerning  Ciron's  house  and  his 
other  possessions,  yet  stupidly  insisted,  in  the 
same  moment,  that  he  had  left  nothing  at  all,  I 
thought  it  an  improper  time  (and  the  opinion  of 
my  friends  coincided  with  mine)  to  remove  the 
body  by  force  ;  but  I  assisted  them,  and  attended 
the  burial,  the  charges  of  which  were  supplied  out 
of  Ciron's  estates.  In  this  manner  was  I  com- 
pelled to  act ;  but,  lest  it  should  give  them  an  ad- 
vantage over  me,  if  they  could  say  with  truth  that 
I  bore  no  part  of  the  expense,  I  contributed  my 
share,  by  the  advice  of  a  lawyer  whom  1  con- 
sulted ;  and  I  performed  sacred  rites  in  the  hand- 
somest manner  the  ninth  day  after  the  funeral, 
both  that  they  might  be  prevented  from  the 
impiety  of  performing  them,  and  might  not  seem 
to  have  expended  the  whole  sum  without  my 
participation. 


On  the  Estate  of  Ciron  165 

These,  judges,  are  the  transactions  which  relate 
to  my  cause,  and  these  are  the  reasons  which  in- 
duce my  enemies  to  attack  me  ;  but,  were  you 
perfectly  acquainted  with  the  shameless  impudence 
of  Diodes,  you  would  not  hesitate  a  moment  in 
giving  full  credit  to  my  whole  narrative,  for  this 
wretch  actually  robbed  his  three  half-sisters,  who 
were  left  heiresses  to  their  father,  of  the  fme  estate 
which  makes  him  now  so  splendid,  by  pretending 
that  he  was  the  adopted  son  of  their  father,  who, 
in  reality,  made  no  will,  on  purpose  to  exclude  him  : 
and  when  those  who  had  married  two  of  his  sisters 
commenced  a  suit  against  him  for  their  fortunes, 
he  so  malignantly  entangled  the  husband  of  the 
eldest  in  the  snares  of  perverted  law,  that  he 
caused  him  unjustly  to  be  marked  with  infamy  ; 
for  which,  though  an  action  has  been  brought 
against  him,  he  has  not  yet  suffered  the  punish- 
ment he  deserves ;  and  having  hired  a  slave  to 
assassinate  the  husband  of  the  second  sister,  he 
privately  sent  the  assassin  out  of  Attica,  and 
accused  the  wife  of  the  murder :  then,  intimidat- 
ing her  with  his  audaciousness,  and  compelling  her 
to  be  silent,  he  obtained  the  guardianship  of  her 
son  by  the  deceased,  and  stripped  him  of  his 
property,  keeping  all  the  cultivated  land  in  his  own 
possession,  and  giving  his  ward  by  way  of  compen- 
sation a  few  stony  fields.  There  are  persons  now 
present   who  know  this  to  be  true ;    they  are 


1 66  The  World's  Orators 

afraid,  indeed,  of  Diodes ;  but,  perhaps  they  will 
be  ready  to  give  their  evidence  ;  if  not,  I  will  pro- 
duce others,  who  have  an  equal  knowledge  of  the 
facts.  First,  however,  call  up  those  who  are 
present.     [Witnesses  are  heard.] 

This  man  then,  so  profligate  and  so  rapacious, 
who  plundered  the  inheritance  of  his  sisters,  is  not 
contented  with  that  plunder ;  but,  because  a  just 
punishment  has  not  yet  overtaken  him,  he  comes 
to  deprive  me  also  of  my  grandfather's  estate,  and 
having,  as  we  are  credibly  informed,  promised  to 
give  my  adversary  two  minas  out  of  the  spoils, 
has  exposed  us  to  the  danger  of  losing  not  our 
fortune  only,  but  our  country  ;  since,  if  he  can  de- 
ceive you  into  a  belief  that  our  mother  was  not  a 
citizen  of  Athens,  neither  are  we  citizens  ;  for  we 
were  born  after  the  archonship  of  Euclid.  Is  this 
litigation  then,  which  his  lies  have  set  on  foot 
against  me,  of  trifling  consequence  ?  When  my 
grandfather  and  father  were  alive,  no  charge  what- 
ever was  brought  against  us,  and  our  right  was 
always  considered  as  indisputable  ;  but  since  their 
death,  it  will  be  some  reproach  to  us,  even  if  we  are 
successful,  that  our  title  was  ever  disputed  ;  a  re- 
proach for  which  we  may  thank  this  execrable  mon- 
ster, this  frantic  Orestes,  who,  having  been  caught 
in  adultery,  and  suffered  the  chastisement  which  he 
deserved,  cannot  even  now  desist  from  his  crimes, 
as  many,  who  well  know  his  guilt,  can  testify. 


On  the  Estate  of  Ciron  167 

The  disposition  and  character  of  this  fellow  you 
have  now  partly  heard,  and  shall  hear  it  more  at 
large  when  1  have  brought  him  to  a  trial  in  a  prose- 
cution, which  1  meditate :  in  the  meantime,  I 
supplicate  and  adjure  you,  permit  him  not  to 
triumph  over  me,  by  stripping  me  of  the  fortune 
which  my  grandfather  left ;  but,  as  far  as  each 
of  you  is  able,  give  me  assistance.  Sufficient 
evidence  has  been  laid  before  you  ;  we  have  read 
our  depositions,  have  opened  to  you  what  their 
slaves  would  infallibly  have  confessed,  and  have 
produced  the  laws  themselves  ;  by  all  which  we 
have  proved,  that  we  are  the  sons  of  Ciron's  legiti- 
mate daughter,  and  consequently  that  his  estate 
comes  not  to  them,  but  to  us,  as  his  lineal  descend- 
ants :  calling  therefore  to  your  remembrance  the 
oaths,  by  which  you  are  bound  to  decide  impar- 
tially, and  the  laws,  which  have  been  adduced, 
pronounce  your  sentence  agreeably  to  justice.  1 
see  no  occasion  for  a  longer  argument,  as  1  believe 
you  perfectly  comprehend  the  whole  case  :  let  the 
officer,  however,  read  this  remaining  deposition, 
that  Diodes  was  taken  in  adultery.  [Deposition 
is  read.] 

Translated  by  Sir  William  Jones.  Published  in 
"  The  Works  of  Sir  William  Jones,"  by  G.  G. 
and  J.  Robinson,  London. 


FOR  EUPHILETUS 

Isceus. 

This  fragment  preserved  by  the  critic  Dionysius,  De  Isceo,  c.  1 7,  is  of  unique 
importance  as  being  the  only  specimen  of  isasus'  wori<  not  concerned  with  the 
law  of  inheritance. 

Euphiletus  had  been  struck  off  tiie  register  of  his  deme  on  the  ground  that  he 
was  not  a  true-born  citizen,  but  he  had  appealed  from  the  decision  of  his  fellow- 
demesmen  to  an  ordinary  court. 

YOU  have  now  heard,  judges,  not  only  our  evi- 
dence, but  the  testimony  of  all  the  kinsfolk, 
that  Euphiletos  the  plaintiff  is  our  brother.  Con- 
sider, first,  what  motive  our  father  could  have  had 
for  telling  an  untruth,  or  for  adopting  this  man  if 
he  had  not  been  his  son.  You  will  fmd  that  all 
who  act  thus  are  constrained  either  by  the  want  of 
true-born  sons  or  by  poverty,  hoping  for  benefits 
from  the  persons  who  by  their  means  have  become 
Athenians.  Neither  condition  applies  to  our  father. 
He  has,  in  us,  two  legitimate  sons,  so  that  child- 
lessness could  not  have  prompted  the  adoption. 
Nor,  again,  did  he  look  to  Euphiletos  for  mainte- 
nance or  wealth  ;  he  has  substance  enough ;  further, 
it  has  been  deposed  before  you  that  he  maintained 

the  plaintiff  from  infancy,  educated  him,  enrolled 

168 


For  Euphiletus  169 

him  in  his  clan — and  these  are  no  light  expenses. 
Our  father,  then,  was  not  likely,  judges,  to  attempt 
anything  so  unjust  when  it  could  do  him  no  good. 
Nor,  again,  will  I  be  suspected  of  such  madness  as 
bearing  false  witness  for  the  plaintiff  in  order  to 
have  my  patrimony  divided  among  a  larger  number. 
Hereafter,  of  course,  I  could  not  for  a  moment  dis- 
pute the  relationship  ;  no  one  of  you  would  endure 
the  sound  of  my  voice,  if  1,  who  now,  standing  in 
peril  of  the  law,  testify  that  he  is  our  brother, 
should  be  found  contradicting  that  statement.  The 
probability  is,  judges,  that  true  testimony  has  been 
borne,  not  only  by  us,  but  by  the  other  kinsmen 
too.  Reflect,  in  the  first  place,  that  the  husbands 
of  our  sisters  would  never  have  perjured  them- 
selves in  the  cause  of  the  plaintiff:  his  mother  was 
the  stepmother  of  our  sisters,  and  somehow  step- 
mothers and  the  daughters  of  a  former  marriage 
are  wont  to  disagree  :  so  that,  if  the  plaintiff  had 
been  our  stepmother's  son  by  another  than  our 
father,  our  sisters,  judges,  would  never  have 
allowed  their  husbands  to  be  witnesses.  Again, 
our  maternal  uncle,  being,  of  course,  no  relation  of 
the  plaintiff,  would  not  have  gratified  the  plaintiff's 
mother  by  making  a  false  deposition  fraught  with 
the  manifest  injury  to  us  involved  in  our  adoption 
of  a  stranger  as  our  brother.  Further,  judges,  how 
could  any  of  you  impute  perjury  to  Demaratos, 
who  stands  there,  or  to  Hegesippos,  or  Nikostratos 


I70  The  World's  Orators 

— men  whose  whole  lives  will  show  a  stainless 
record,  and  who,  being  our  intimate  friends  and 
knowing  us  all,  have  severally  testified  their  kin- 
ship with  Euphiletos  ? 

1  should  be  glad,  then,  to  learn  from  the  most 
respected  of  our  adversaries  whether  he  could  es- 
tablish his  Athenian  citizenship  by  any  other  proof 
than  those  which  we  have  brought  for  Euphiletos. 
For  my  part,  I  do  not  think  he  could  do  more  than 
show  that  both  his  parents  are  Athenians,  and  ad- 
duce the  testimony  of  his  relatives  to  the  truth  of 
that  assertion.  Then  again,  judges,  supposing  our 
adversaries  were  in  peril,  they  would  expect  you 
to  believe  their  friends  rather  than  their  accusers  ; 
as  it  is,  though  we  have  all  that  testimony  on  our 
side,  shall  they  require  you  to  put  faith  in  their  own 
story  rather  than  in  Euphiletos,  in  me  and  my 
brother,  in  our  clansmen,  in  our  entire  family  ? 
Moreover,  the  adversaries  are  acting  from  private 
enmity,  without  personal  risk  to  one  of  their  num- 
ber ;  we,  who  give  our  evidence,  stand,  one  and 
all,  within  the  peril  of  the  law. 

In  addition  to  these  testimonies,  judges,  the 
mother  of  Euphiletos,  whom  the  adversaries  allow 
to  be  an  Athenian,  was  willing  to  take  an  oath 
before  the  arbitrator  at  the  Delphinion  that  she  and 
our  father  are  the  parents  of  Euphiletos  ;  and  who 
should  know  better  ?  Then  our  father,  judges, 
who  ought  to  be  the  next  best  authority,  was  and 


For  Euphiletus  171 

is  willing  to  swear  that  Euphiletos  is  his  son  by 
his  wedded  Athenian  wife.  If  this  is  not  enough, 
judges,  I  was  thirteen  years  old,  as  I  said  before, 
when  Euphiletos  was  born,  and  I  am  ready  to 
swear  that  Euphiletos  is  the  son  of  my  father. 
Justly,  then,  judges,  might  you  deem  our  oaths 
more  trustworthy  than  the  adversaries'  assertions  ; 
we  are  willing  to  make  oath  on  a  matter  of  which 
we  have  accurate  knowledge,  while  they  retail 
hearsay  from  the  plaintiff's  ill-wishers,  or  inven- 
tions of  their  own.  We,  moreover,  bring  our 
kinsmen  as  witnesses  before  you  as  before  the 
arbitrators, — witnesses  who  have  a  claim  to  be 
believed  ;  while,  since  Euphiletos  brought  his  first 
suit  against  the  corporation  and  its  demarch  now 
deceased,  the  adversaries  have  failed  to  find  any 
evidence  that  he  is  not  my  father's  son,  though  the 
case  was  before  the  arbitrator  for  two  years.  To 
the  conductors  of  the  arbitration  these  facts  afforded 
the  strongest  presumption  of  falsehood,  and  both 
of  them  decided  against  the  adversaries.  (Read 
the  evidence  of  the  former  award.)  You  have 
heard  that  the  former  arbitration  went  against 
them.  1  claim,  judges,  that  just  as  the  adversaries 
would  have  urged  an  award  favorable  to  them- 
selves in  evidence  of  Euphiletos  not  being  the  son 
of  Hegesippos,  so  the  opposite  result  should  now 
be  testimony  to  the  truth  of  our  story,  since  they 
were  adjudged  guilty  of  having  erased  the  name 


172 


The  World's  Orators 


of  Euphiletos,  an  Athenian  citizen,  after  it  had  been 
duly  registered.  That,  then,  Euphiletos  is  our 
brother  and  your  citizen,  and  that  he  has  been 
subjected  by  the  conspirators  in  his  deme  to  injur- 
ious and  outrageous  treatment,  sufficient  proof, 
judges,  has,  1  think,  been  laid  before  you. 

Translated  by  R.  C.  Jebb,  for  "  The  Attic  Ora- 
tors, ' '  published  by  Macmillan  &  Co.  Re- 
printed by  permission. 


LYCURGUS 

Lycurgus  was  probably  born  previous  to  404  B.C.,  and  is 
said  to  have  derived  instruction  from  Plato  and  Isocrates.  He 
was  one  of  the  warmest  supporters  of  the  democracy  in  the 
struggle  with.  Philip  of  Macedon.  He  filled  the  office  of  stew- 
ard of  the  public  treasury  for  three  periods  of  five  years  each  ; 
and  so  managed  the  finances  of  the  State  that  they  sufficed 
both  for  the  armament  and  the  embellishment  of  Athens. 
During  his  administration  he  erected  many  public  buildings, 
and  completed  the  theatre  of  Dionysus,  and  the  Panathenaic 
stadium.  He  also  formed  the  authoritative  texts  of  the  Greek 
dramatists.  He  died  about  323  b.c.  Fifteen  years  after  his 
death  the  people  decreed  him  public  honors,  and  a  brazen 
statue  of  him  was  set  up  in  the  Ceramicus,  which  was  seen  by 
the  traveller  Pausanias. 

In  style,  he  shows  his  kinship  to  the  earlier  Athenians,  to 
y^schylus  and  Antiphon.  Somewhat  harsh  in  his  diction  and 
involved  in  his  composition,  his  profound  earnestness,  his 
majestic  mien,  and  his  powerful  invective  made  him  one  of 
the  most  impressive  of  the  Attic  orators. 

Of  fifteen  speeches  attributed  to  Lycurgus,  only  one  has 
come  down  to  us,  the  oration  against  Leocrates,  the  accusation 
against  an  Athenian  citizen  for  abandoning  the  city  after  the 
battle  of  Chgeronea  and  settling  in  another  State. 

Consult  the  Teubner  edition  of  Scheibe  (1891).  See,  also, 
Blass,  Attische  Beredsamkeit,  iii.,  2,  pp.  95-135;  Jebb,  Attic 
Orators,  ii.,  pp.  325-383. 


173 


AGAINST   LEOCRATES 

[Selection.]  Lycurgus. 

Lycurgus  brought  against  Leocrates  an  indictment  for  treason,  because  in  338 
B.C.  he  had  fled  from  Athens  on  the  day  that  brought  the  fatal  news  of  Chaeronea. 
In  a  proem  of  some  length  the  speaker  shows  the  delicate  position  of  the  public 
accuser  in  bringing  charges  against  men  who  have  not  proven  true  to  their  country, 
and  the  importance  of  this  trial  for  the  welfare  of  the  State.  He  then  tells  the 
story  of  Leocrates'  offence  and  shows  its  heinousness  by  recalling  the  heroic  deeds 
of  men  of  ancient  times.  The  tone  throughout  is  lofty  and  impressive,  and  the 
speech  is  an  earnest  protest  against  the  degeneracy  of  the  period.  The  date  of 
the  speech  is  about  332  b.c. 

MEN  of  Athens,  in  justice  and  in  piety,  both  for 
your  good  and  in  behalf  of  the  gods,  I  shall 
enter  upon  the  charge  against  Leocrates,  the  de- 
fendant. Wherefore  I  pray  Athena  and  the  other 
gods,  and  the  heroes  whose  statues  adorn  the  city 
and  the  land,  that,  if  1  have  justly  impeached  Leocra- 
tes and  brought  to  trial  the  man  who  has  betrayed 
their  temples,  their  sanctuaries,  their  precincts,  and 
their  statutory  sacred  rites,  they  make  me  a  worthy 
accuser  of  the  misdeeds  of  Leocrates,  which  is  of 
advantage  both  to  the  public  and  the  city.  And  I 
pray  further  that  you,  who  now  sit  in  council  for 
fathers  and  children  and  wives  and  fatherland  and 
temples,  and  have  under  your  vote  the  betrayer  of 

175 


176  The  World's  Orators 

all  these,  be  inexorable  judges,  not  granting  par- 
don either  now  or  for  the  rest  of  time,  to  men 
who  commit  such  heinous  and  monstrous  offences. 
But  if,  on  the  other  hand,  I  am  here  bringing  to 
trial  one  who  has  not  betrayed  the  fatherland  nor 
deserted  the  city  and  the  temples  of  the  gods,  I 
pray  that  he  be  rescued  from  the  danger  both  by 
the  gods  and  by  you,  judges. 

I  could  wish,  gentlemen,  just  as  it  is  beneficial 
to  the  city  to  have  in  it  men  who  bring  lawbreakers 
to  trial,  that  the  act  itself  could  also  be  regarded  as 
a  deed  of  kindness  in  the  judgment  of  the  public. 
But  now  the  reverse  of  this  is  true,  so  that  one 
who  runs  a  personal  risk  and  incurs  odium  for  the 
public  weal,  seems  to  be  not  a  patriot,  but  a  busy- 
body— not  justly  nor  advantageously  to  the  city. 
Three  things  are  of  supreme  value  in  guarding  and 
preserving  the  democracy  and  the  prosperity  of  the 
city — the  statutes  of  the  law,  the  vote  of  the  judges, 
and  the  prosecution,  which  hands  over  evil-doers 
to  the  judges.  Thus  it  is  the  province  of  the 
law  to  say  beforehand  what  ought  not  to  be  done ; 
of  the  accuser  to  inform  against  those  who  have 
become  liable  to  the  penalties  of  the  law  ;  and  of 
the  judges  to  punish  those  designated  to  them  by 
both  these,  so  that  neither  the  law  nor  the  vote  of 
the  judges  avails  without  the  accuser  who  surren- 
ders criminals  to  them. 

I,    then,    Athenians,    knowing   that    Leocrates 


Lviiirgiis. 

From  an  engravrngby  J..Chapr}iuH. 


Against  Leocrates  177 

shunned  dangers  for  his  fatherland,  deserted  his 
fellow-citizens,  betrayed  all  your  resources,  and 
was  in  consequence  liable  to  all  your  statutes,  have 
made  this  impeachment,  influenced  by  no  personal 
grudge,  nor  rivalry,  nor  anything  of  the  sort  what- 
ever, but  because  I  considered  it  shameful  for  us 
to  overlook  the  fact  that  this  man  was  outspoken 
in  the  Assembly  and  was  sharing  our  common 
sacred  rites,  after  he  had  shown  himself  a  disgrace 
to  his  fatherland  and  to  all  of  you.  It  is  charac- 
teristic of  a  just  citizen,  not,  on  account  of  personal 
wrongs,  to  bring  public  lawsuits  against  men  who 
have  in  no  respect  injured  the  city,  but  to  regard  as 
personal  enemies  those  who  in  any  way  transgress 
against  the  fatherland.  For  offences  which  affect 
every  man  afford  every  one  grounds  for  personal 
enmity  against  those  who  commit  them. 

It  is  proper,  then,  to  regard  all  state  trials  of 
supreme  importance,  but  especially  this  one  on 
which  you  are  going  now  to  cast  your  vote.  For 
whenever  you  judge  indictments  for  proposing  un- 
constitutional measures,  you  rectify  the  measure 
and  prevent  its  adoption,  in  so  far  as  it  was  going 
to  be  injurious  to  the  city.  But  the  present  trial 
affects  the  interests  of  the  city,  not  in  some  small 
measure,  nor  merely  for  a  short  time,  but  the 
whole  fatherland  is  involved  and  our  decision  will 
go  down  to  posterity  as  ever-memorable  through- 
out every  age.    So  terrible  is  the  wrong  which 


VOL.  I.— 12. 


178  The  World's  Orators 

has  been  committed  and  such  magnitude  does  it 
possess,  that  it  is  impossible  to  find  a  worthy  accu- 
sation or  penalty,  and  not  even  the  laws  can  deter- 
mine a  punishment  worthy  of  the  offences.  For 
what  ought  not  he  to  suffer  who  deserted  his  na- 
tive land,  and  neglected  his  sacred  household  relics, 
and  forsook  the  tombs  of  his  ancestors,  and  deliv- 
ered the  whole  city  over  to  the  enemy  ? 

Death,  the  most  severe  and  extreme  of  punish- 
ments, a  necessary  penalty  according  to  the  law, 
falls  short  of  the  crimes  of  Leocrates.  The  law 
has  chanced  to  omit  the  penalty  concerning  such 
things,  gentlemen,  not  through  negligence  of  the 
earlier  lawgivers,  but  because  in  former  times  no 
such  offence  had  been  committed,  nor  did  they 
dream  that  it  would  ever  be  committed.  Where- 
fore it  especially  behoves  you,  judges,  to  be 
not  only  judges  of  the  present  wrong,  but  also 
lawmakers.  For  in  cases  when  the  law  has  de- 
fined the  treatment  of  certain  offences,  it  is  easy 
using  this  as  a  norm,  to  punish  the  offenders.  But 
in  such  offences  which  the  law  has  not  strictly 
embraced  and  specified  by  name,  in  cases  where 
one  has  committed  worse  offences  than  those 
met  by  the  law  and  has  become  liable  to  all  the 
laws  alike,  it  is  necessary  to  hand  down  your 
sentence  as  a  norm  to  your  descendants.  You 
know  well,  gentlemen,  that  you  will  now  not  only 
condemn  and  punish  this  man,  but  you  will  also 


Against  Leocrates  179 

incite  all  younger  men  to  virtue.  There  are  two 
things  which  instruct  the  young :  the  punishment 
of  offenders  and  the  reward  offered  to  good  men. 
Looking  to  each  of  these,  they  shun  the  one 
because  of  fear,  and  desire  the  other  for  the  sake 
of  glory.  Wherefore,  it  is  necessary,  gentlemen, 
to  give  attention  to  this  trial  and  to  regard  nothing 
more  highly  than  justice. 

I  shall  conduct  the  prosecution  justly,  neither 
misrepresenting  the  facts  in  the  case  nor  speaking 
off  the  subject.  The  most  of  those  who  appear 
before  you  do  something  altogether  unbecoming ; 
either  they  give  counsel  about  current  matters,  or 
make  accusations  and  speak  abusively  about  every- 
thing else  except  concerning  that  which  you  are 
going  to  decide  by  your  vote.  But  neither  of 
these  is  difficult,  either  to  express  an  opinion  about 
what  you  are  not  deliberating,  or  to  trump  up 
charges  on  matters  to  which  no  one  is  going  to 
make  a  reply.  It  is  not  right  to  expect  you  to 
render  your  decision  justly  when  they  do  not  con- 
duct the  prosecution  justly.  However,  you  are  to 
blame  for  this,  gentlemen  ;  for  you  have  given 
this  privilege  to  those  who  appear  here,  and  that 
too  though  you  have  as  a  most  excellent  exemplar 
for  the  Greeks  the  Court  of  the  Areopagus,  which 
so  far  surpasses  all  other  courts  of  justice  that 
even  the  condemned  acknowledge  that  their  trial 
was  justly  conducted.     Keeping  this  Council  be- 


i8o  The  World's  Orators 

fore  you,  you  should  not  attend  to  those  who 
speak  off  the  subject.  Thus  will  the  trial  be  with- 
out prejudice  to  the  accused,  and  to  the  prosecu- 
tors there  will  be  least  occasion  for  false  accusations, 
while  it  will  enable  you  to  cast  your  vote  altogether 
in  the  sense  of  your  oath.  Without  proper  pre- 
sentation of  the  case,  it  is  impossible  for  men  who 
have  not  been  justly  instructed  to  fairly  cast  their 
vote. 

Let  not  this  fact  escape  you,  gentlemen,  that  the 
trial  concerning  the  defendant  is  not  similar  to  that 
of  other  private  citizens.  For  in  trying  a  man  un- 
known to  the  Greeks  it  would  be  only  a  question 
for  yourselves  whether  you  had  voted  correctly  or 
improperly.  But  about  the  accused,  whatever  you 
resolve  will  be  a  topic  of  discussion  among  all  the 
Greeks.  For  he  has  acquired  notoriety  through 
his  voyage  to  Rhodes  and  the  information  which 
he  gave  to  your  shame  to  the  city  of  the  Rhodians, 
and  to  the  merchants  resident  there,  who,  sailing 
all  over  the  world  in  the  pursuit  of  trade,  at  the 
same  time  proclaimed  about  our  city  what  they 
had  heard  from  Leocrates.  All  know  that  the 
deeds  of  your  ancestors  are  directly  opposite  to  the 
performance  of  this  man.  And  so  it  is  of  the  ut- 
most importance  to  decide  correctly  concerning 
him.  You  know,  Athenians,  that  in  what  you 
most  differ  from  other  men, — in  reverence  for  the 
gods,  respect  for  parents,  devotion  to  the  father- 


Against  Leocrates  i8i 

land — of  these  you  would  seem  to  be  most  disre- 
gardful,  if  the  accused  should  escape  punishment 
at  your  hands. 

I  beg  of  you,  Athenians,  to  hear  the  accusation 
throughout,  and  not  to  be  irritated  with  me  if  I 
begin  by  recounting  what  then  happened  to  the 
city,  but  to  be  angry  with  the  guilty,  on  whose 
account  I  am  compelled  now  to  make  mention  of 
those  events. 

After  the  battle  of  Chceronea,  when  you  all 
rushed  to  the  Assembly,  the  people  decreed  that 
the  women  and  children  in  the  country  should  be 
brought  within  the  walls,  and  that  the  generals 
should  assign  the  duties  of  the  defence  to  the 
Athenians  and  other  residents  as  they  saw  fit. 
Leocrates,  however,  without  a  thought  for  all  this, 
packed  up  his  property  and  put  it,  with  his  servants, 
on  board  the  boat — the  ship  was  already  at  moor- 
ings off-shore — and,  late  in  the  afternoon,  passed 
with  Eirenis  through  the  gate  to  the  public  beach, 
rowed  out  to  the  ship,  and  was  gone  ;  neither  pity- 
ing those  harbors  of  Athens  from  which  he  was 
putting  forth,  nor  ashamed  before  the  walls  of  his 
native  city  which,  for  his  part,  he  was  leaving  de- 
fenceless ;  nor  was  he  afraid  when  he  saw  afar,  as 
he  forsook  them,  the  Acropolis  and  the  temples  of 
Zeus  Soter,  and  Athena  Soteira,  whom  anon  he 
will  invoke  to  save  him  from  his  perils.  And  hav- 
ing come  into  port  at  Rhodes,  as  if  he  were 


1 82  The  World's  Orators 

bringing  news  to  his  country,  he  began  to  tell  how 
the  town  had  been  taken  before  he  left,  the 
Peir^us  blockaded, — and  he  alone  left  to  tell  it ; 
nor  did  he  blush  to  proclaim  in  one  breath  his 
country's  fall  and  his  deliverance.  So  thoroughly 
did  the  Rhodians  believe  this,  that  they  manned 
their  triremes,  and  forcibly  brought  into  port  the 
merchant  vessels ;  while  the  merchants  or  ship- 
masters who  were  ready  to  sail  for  Athens  were  led 
by  this  man  to  discharge  their  corn  and  other 
cargoes  on  the  spot.  And  to  prove  that  what  I  say 
is  true,  the  testimonies  of  all  concerned  will  be 
read,  first  those  of  his  neighbors  and  others  living 
here  who  knew  how  this  fellow  deserted  in  the 
war  and  sailed  from  Athens,  then  of  those  present 
at  Rhodes  when  Leocrates  brought  his  tidings, 
and  finally  the  testimony  of  Phrynichus,  who,  as 
the  most  of  you  know,  accused  this  fellow  before 
the  people,  because  of  the  great  injuries  he  in- 
flicted when  he  was  the  collector  of  the  port. 

But  before  presenting  the  witnesses  let  me  briefly 
confer  with  you.  You  are  not  ignorant,  gentle- 
men, either  of  the  machinations  of  men  under 
trial  or  of  the  entreaties  of  the  accused,  but  you 
understand  precisely  how  for  the  sake  of  money 
and  favor  many  of  the  witnesses  were  induced  to 
be  forgetful  or  to  remain  away  or  to  find  some 
other  pretext.  Demand,  therefore,  that  the  wit- 
nesses mount  the  stand,  and,  neither  hesitating  nor 


Against  Leocrates  183 

making  favors  of  greater  weight  than  you  and 
the  city,  repay  truth  and  justice  to  their  native 
city ;  not  deserting  their  post,  nor  imitating 
Leocrates,  nor  swearing  falsely  after  they  have, 
according  to  law,  taken  the  sacred  oaths.  If  they 
do  none  of  these  things,  we  shall  summon  them 
into  court  in  behalf  of  you  and  the  laws  and  the 
democracy.     Read  the  depositions. 

After  this,  moreover,  gentlemen,  when  time  had 
elapsed  and  ships  began  to  arrive  at  Rhodes  from 
Athens,  and  it  became  evident  that  nothing  alarm- 
ing had  occurred  in  the  city,  Leocrates,  becoming 
frightened,  sailed  off  again  from  Rhodes  and  came 
to  Megara.  With  a  Megarian  as  patron,  he  lived 
more  than  five  years  at  Megara,  not  even  respect- 
ing the  boundaries  of  his  country,  but  settling 
among  neighbors  of  the  country  which  had  nur- 
tured him.  And  he  so  condemned  himself  to  per- 
petual banishment  that  he  summoned  from  his 
native  city  Amyntas,  who  had  married  his  older 
sister,  and  Antigenes  of  Xypete  of  his  friends,  and 
besought  his  brother-in-law  to  buy  his  slaves  and 
his  house,  and  pay  his  creditors  what  he  owed 
them,  to  pay  off  his  notes,  and  to  return  the  re- 
mainder to  him. 

You  hear  the  decree,  gentlemen,  how  it  was  re- 
solved that  the  Senate  of  the  Five  Hundred  go 
down  to  the  Peirseus  in  order  to  arrange  its  defence 


1 84  The  World's  Orators 

and  to  take  such  military  measures  as  seemed 
advantageous  to  the  people.  And,  gentlemen,  if 
those  exempt  from  army  duty  for  the  sake  of  de- 
liberating concerning  the  city,  passed  their  time  in 
the  ranks  of  the  soldiers,  do  the  dangers  then  con- 
fronting the  city  seem  to  you  small  ?  In  those 
very  times  this  fellov/,  Leocrates  here,  ran  off  from 
the  city,  and  carried  away  his  property,  and  sent 
after  his  household  sacred  relics,  and  reached  such 
a  pitch  of  treason  that  by  his  ovv^n  choice  the 
temples  v/ere  deserted,  the  garrisons  of  the  city 
were  deserted,  the  city  and  the  land  were  deserted. 
In  those  days,  Athenians,  who  would  not  have 
pitied  the  city — what  citizen,  aye,  or  what  stran- 
ger that  had  formerly  visited  it  ?  Who  was  then 
so  bitter  against  the  democracy  or  against  Athens 
that  he  could  have  endured  to  find  himself  with- 
out a  place  in  the  ranks  of  the  defenders,  when  the 
news  came  of  the  defeat  and  the  disaster  that  had 
befallen  the  people,  when  the  city  was  all  excite- 
ment at  the  tidings,  when  the  hopes  of  public 
safety  had  come  to  rest  on  the  men  past  fifty, 
when  you  might  see  free-born  women  crouching 
in  terror  at  the  house-doors,  asking  if  he  is  alive — 
the  husband,  the  father,  or  the  brother — a  sight 
humiliating  for  the  city  and  for  her  daughters ; 
when  men  decrepit  of  frame,  well  stricken  in  years, 
released  by  the  laws  from  service  under  arms,  men 
on  the  threshold  that  leads  from  age  to  death, 


Against  Leocrates  185 

might  be  seen  hurrying  helplessly  through  the 
city,  with  their  mantles  pinned  around  them  in 
double  folds  ?  But,  many  as  were  the  miseries  in 
the  city,  great  as  was  the  ruin  that  had  come  to 
all  the  citizens,  the  keenest  grief,  the  bitterest 
tears  were  due  to  the  fortunes  of  the  city  itself 
—when  the  edict,  declaring  slaves  to  be  freemen, 
aliens  to  be  Athenians,  the  disenfranchised  to  be 
reinstated,  was  read  by  any  man  who  once,  per- 
haps, had  prided  himself  on  being  a  free-born  son 
of  the  Attic  soil.  The  reverse  that  had  befallen  the 
city  was  even  this :  formerly  she  had  vindicated 
the  freedom  of  the  Greeks — then  she  thought  it 
enough  if  she  could  successfully  defend  her  own 
existence ;  formerly  she  had  ruled  far  and  wide 
over  the  land  of  barbarians — then  she  was  battling 
with  Macedonians  for  her  own  ;  and  the  people 
whose  aid  was  once  invoked  by  Lacedaemonians, 
by  Peloponnesians,  and  by  the  Greeks  of  Asia,  was 
driven  to  seek  succor  for  itself  from  the  men  of 
Andros,  of  Ceos,  ofTroezen,  of  Epidaurus. 

And  so,  Athenians,  the  man  who  in  such  perils, 
and  such  dangers  and  such  humiliation,  deserted 
his  city,  who  did  not  take  up  arms  in  behalf  of  his 
fatherland,  nor  offer  his  body  to  the  generals  for 
service,  but  went  off  in  flight  and  destroyed  the 
public  safety — what  judge  who  loved  his  city  and 
wished  to  live  piously  would  acquit  him  with  his 
vote,  or  what  orator,  when  asked,  would  aid  tb^ 


i86  The  World's  Orators 

betrayer  of  his  city,  who  did  not  dare  to  join  in 
mourning  the  misfortunes  of  the  fatherland,  nor 
contribute  anything  for  the  salvation  of  the  city 
and  of  the  people  ?  And  yet  in  those  times  there 
was  no  stage  of  life  which  did  not  offer  itself  for 
the  public  safety,  when  the  land  contributed  trees, 
the  dead  their  vaults,  and  the  temples,  arms. 
Some  looked  after  the  preparing  of  the  walls, 
others  of  the  trenches,  others  of  the  palisading. 
None  of  the  men  in  the  city  were  idle.  For  none  of 
these  services  did  Leocrates  offer  himself.  Mindful 
of  this,  it  is  likely  that  you  will  punish  with  death 
one  who  did  not  deign  either  to  assist  in  laying  out 
or  in  burying  those  who  died  at  Chieronea  in  behalf 
of  the  public  freedom  and  safety,  just  as  if  he,  for 
his  part,  had  left  them  unburied  ;  yet,  passing  by 
their  tombs  eight  years  after,  this  fellow  was  not 
ashamed  to  call  their  native  land  his  own. 

I  am  greatly  incensed,  gentlemen,  whenever  I 
hear  one  of  this  fellow's  comrades  say  that  to 
go  away  from  the  city  was  not  an  act  of  be- 
trayal, on  the  ground  that  our  ancestors  left  the 
city  when  they  were  warring  with  Xerxes,  and 
went  across  to  Salamis.  He  is  so  senseless  and  in 
every  respect  so  contemptuous  of  you  as  to  deem 
it  right  to  compare  the  most  shameful  of  deeds 
with  the  most  honorable.  For  where  has  not  the 
valor  of  those  men  become  famous  ?    Who  is  so 


Against  Leocrates  187 

invidious,  or  so  totally  lacking  in  love  of  honor, 
that  he  would  not  have  prayed  to  share  in  the 
deeds  of  those  men  ?  They  did  not  leave  the  city 
in  the  lurch,  but  they  changed  their  base  of  opera- 
tions, planning  how  wisely  to  meet  the  imminent 
danger.  Eteonicus  the  Lacedaemonian,  Adeimantus 
the  Corinthian,  and  the  fleet  of  the  /Eginetans  were 
preparing  to  provide  safety  for  themselves  under 
cover  of  the  night.  But  our  ancestors,  though  de- 
serted by  all  the  Greeks,  by  force  even  won  deliv- 
erance for  the  rest,  having  compelled  them  to 
fight  by  their  side  against  the  barbarian  at  Sal- 
amis.  And  alone  they  overcame  both,  enemies 
and  allies,  as  it  beseemed  each,  benefiting  the  one 
and  conquering  in  battle  the  other.  Forsooth, 
very  similar  was  this  to  this  man's  flight  from  his 
fatherland  in  a  four  days'  voyage  to  Rhodes  ! 

In  sooth,  would  any  one  of  those  men  have 
endured  such  a  deed  ?  Nay !  they  would  have 
straightway  stoned  to  death  him  who  had  brought 
reproach  upon  their  powers.  At  any  rate,  they  so 
loved  their  fatherland  that  they  all  but  stoned  to 
death  Alexander,  the  ambassador  from  Xerxes,  who 
had  hitherto  been  their  friend,  because  he  de- 
manded earth  and  water.  And  if  they  demanded 
satisfaction  even  for  words,  in  very  truth  they 
would  have  punished  with  the  severest  punish- 
ments him  who  betrayed  their  city  to  the  enemy. 

Observing  such  noble  ideals,  for  ninety  years 


i88  The  World's  Orators 

they  maintained  their  supremacy  over  the  Greeks  ; 
they  plundered  Phoenicia  and  Cilicia,  at  the  Eury- 
medon  they  conquered  both  in  infantry  battle  and 
in  naval  combat,  they  took  captive  a  hundred  tri- 
remes of  the  barbarians,  they  sailed  around  the 
whole  of  Asia  committing  rapine  ;  and — the  height 
of  victory — they  did  not  rest  content  with  raising 
the  trophy  at  Salamis,  but  they  determined  bounds 
for  the  barbarians,  to  preserve  the  liberties  of 
Greece,  and  prevented  them  from  transgressing 
them  ;  they  made  covenants  that  the  barbarians 
would  not  sail  with  a  large  boat  within  Cyaneae 
and  Phaselis,  and  that  the  Greeks  should  be  auton- 
omous, not  only  those  of  Europe,  but  also  those 
who  dwell  in  Asia. 

And  yet  do  you  imagine  if,  carrying  out  the 
designs  of  Leocrates,  all  had  fled,  any  of  these 
noble  deeds  would  have  been  done,  or  that  you 
would  still  be  inhabiting  this  land?  It  is  right  then, 
Athenians,  just  as  you  praise  and  honor  the  good, 
so  also  to  hate  and  to  punish  the  bad,  especially 
Leocrates,  who  neither  feared  nor  respected  you. 

Moreover,  Athenians,  it  is  impossible  for  you 
alone  of  the  Greeks  to  overlook  any  of  these  evil 
deeds.  Let  me  recount  to  you  a  few  stories  of  the 
ancients,  which  if  you  use  as  precedents,  you  will 
resolve  more  wisely  concerning  this  and  other 
matters.     For  our  city  has  this  exceeding  good 


Against  Leocrates  189 

fortune,  that  it  has  become  to  the  Greeks  the  ex- 
emplar of  noble  actions.  For  inasmuch  as  it  is 
the  most  ancient  of  all  cities  in  time,  so  have  our 
ancestors  exceeded  all  other  men  in  valor. 

For  example,  in  the  reign  of  Codrus,  when  a 
dearth  prevailed  in  their  land,  the  Peloponnesians 
decided  to  make  an  expedition  against  our  city, 
and,  after  expelling  our  forefathers,  to  portion  out 
the  land  among  themselves.  And  first  they  sent 
to  Delphi  and  asked  the  god  if  they  would  take 
Athens.  When  the  god  replied  that  they  would 
take  the  city  if  they  did  not  slay  Codrus,  the  King 
of  the  Athenians,  they  took  the  field  against 
Athens,  Cleomantis,  however,  one  of  the  Del- 
phians,  ascertained  the  response  and  secretly  made 
it  known  to  the  Athenians.  Thus  did  our  ances- 
tors, as  was  fitting,  ever  have  men,  even  from  a 
distance,  well  disposed  to  them.  When  the  Pelo- 
ponnesians made  this  invasion  of  Attica,  what  did 
our  forefathers,  gentlemen  of  the  Court  ?  They 
neither  deserted  the  fatherland  and  ran  away  like 
Leocrates,  nor  did  they  betray  and  surrender  to 
the  enemy  the  land  which  had  nurtured  them  and 
their  sacred  shrines,  but,  though  few  in  numbers, 
when  invested,  they  endured  the  siege  and  re- 
mained faithful  to  their  country. 

And  so  high-minded,  Athenians,  were  the  kings 
of  that  time,  that  they  preferred  to  die  for  the 
deliverance  of  their  subjects  rather  than  to  live  and 


iQo  The  World's  Orators 

remove  to  a  new  country.  At  any  rate,  they  tell 
the  story  that  King  Codrus,  after  bidding  the 
Athenians  to  give  heed  whenever  he  should  end 
his  life,  took  a  beggar's  mantle,  in  order  to  deceive 
the  enemy,  and  slipped  it  on  at  the  gates,  and  began 
gathering  sticks  before  the  city.  When  two  men 
from  the  enemy's  camp  approached  him  and  made 
inquiries  about  affairs  within  the  city,  he  fell  upon 
one  of  them  with  his  short  sword  and  slew  him  ; 
whereupon  the  survivor,  enraged  at  Codrus,  and 
taking  him  for  a  beggar,  drew  his  sword  and  killed 
him  in  turn.  After  this  had  occurred,  the  Athenians 
sent  a  herald  and  besought  the  enemy  to  give  them 
their  king  to  bury,  telling  them  the  whole  truth. 
The  Peloponnesians  then  gave  up  the  body,  and 
knowing  that  it  was  no  longer  possible  for  them  to 
subdue  the  land,  they  withdrew.  To  Cleomantis 
the  Delphian  and  his  descendants  the  Athenians 
gave  perpetual  public  maintenance  in  the  Pryta- 
neum. 

What !  the  kings  of  that  time  loved  their  na- 
tive land  similarly  to  Leocrates !  What !  they 
who  chose  to  deceive  the  enemy  and  to  die  in  its 
behalf,  and  to  give  their  own  souls  in  return  for 
the  common  safety.  In  consequence,  they  above 
all  others  are  the  eponymous  heroes  of  the  land, 
obtaining  divine  honors,  fittingly — for  even  though 
dead  they  justly  have  a  share  in  the  land  for  which 
they  were  so  zealous. 


Against  Leocrates  191 

Leocrates,  neither  living  nor  dead,  would  justly 
share  in  this,  but  he  above  all  others  would  with 
perfect  justice  be  banished  from  the  land  betrayed 
to  the  enemy.  For  it  is  not  fitting  for  the  same 
earth  to  cover  those  who  excel  in  virtue  and  the 
basest  of  all  men. 

And  yet  he  has  attempted  to  say,  what  even 
now,  perhaps,  he  will  say  to  you,  that  he  would 
never  have  faced  this  trial,  if  he  had  had  the  con- 
sciousness of  committing  such  a  deed.  As  if  all 
criminals,  as  thieves  and  temple  robbers,  did  not 
present  this  proof.  It  is  a  proof,  not  that  they 
did  not  commit  the  deed,  but  of  the  shameless- 
ness  which  characterized  them.  For  it  does  not 
behove  him  to  say  this,  but  rather  that  he  did  not 
sail  off  and  leave  the  city  in  the  lurch  nor  live  in 
Megara.  These  are  evidences  of  his  crime,  since 
as  regards  his  coming  back,  I  believe  some  divinity 
is  leading  him  to  his  punishment,  in  order  that,  as 
he  fled  glorious  peril,  he  might  obtain  inglorious 
and  disgraceful  death,  and  those  whom  he  be- 
trayed, into  their  hands  he  might  fall.  If  he  were 
unfortunate  elsewhere,  it  would  not  yet  be  mani- 
fest whether  he  suffers  punishment  on  account  of 
these  crimes ;  but  here  among  those  whom  he 
has  betrayed,  it  is  evident  that  he  suffers  this 
punishment  for  his  transgressions.  For  the  first 
thing  the  gods  do  is  to  bewilder  the  senses  of 
base  men.    And  some  of  the  ancient  poets,  as  if 


192  The  World's  Orators 

composing  oracles,  seem  to  me  to  have  left  these 
iambics  to  their  descendants  : 

"Whenever  divine  wrath  visits  any  one  it  first 
takes  away  from  his  mind  his  sense,  and  puts  in  its 
place  poor  judgment,  that  he  may  be  ignorant  of 
the  sins  he  commits." 

Who  of  the  elder  does  not  remember,  and  who 
of  the  younger  men  has  not  heard  of  Callistratus, 
on  whom  the  city  pronounced  sentence  of  death, 
how  he  was  in  exile,  and  having  been  told  by  the 
god  in  Delphi  that  if  he  came  back  to  Athens  he 
would  get  justice,  he  returned  and  took  refuge  at 
the  altar  of  the  Twelve  Gods  ;  and  none  the  less 
he  was  put  to  death  by  the  city  ?  Justly  ;  for  to 
evil-doers  obtaining  justice  is  punishment.  The 
god  at  least  rightly  surrendered  the  guilty  one  to 
the  wronged  for  punishment.  Strange  would  it 
be,  indeed,  if  to  the  pious  and  the  impious  alike 
there  should  appear  to  be  the  same  interpretation 
of  divine  oracles. 

It  is  my  profound  conviction,  Athenians,  that 
Providence  carefully  observes  all  human  actions, 
and  especially  marks  manifestations  of  regard  for 
parents,  reverence  for  the  dead,  and  fidelity  to  one's 
self.  Properly  so.  For  in  regard  to  those  from 
Vv'hom  we  draw  the  breath  of  life  and  receive  the 
most  blessings,  not  only  flagrant  wrong-doing,  but 
even  not  passing  our  whole  lives  in  doing  them 
kindness,  is  the  grossest  impiety.    There  is  a  story 


Against  Leocrates  193 

— though  it  is  rather  mythical,  yet  it  will  be  ap- 
propriate for  you  younger  men  to  hear  it — that  in 
Sicily  a  stream  of  lava  once  flowed  from  y^tna, 
and  they  say  that  this  flowed  over  the  whole  land, 
and  particularly  down  upon  a  certain  city  of  the 
inhabitants.  All  there  started  off  in  flight,  but  one 
of  the  younger  men,  seeing  that  his  father,  being 
advanced  in  years,  was  not  able  to  get  away,  but 
was  on  the  point  of  being  caught  in  the  lava,  took 
him  up  and  was  carrying  him  ofl".  Because  of  the 
additional  burden,  I  fancy,  he  himself  was  caught. 
And  now  it  is  worth  our  while  to  see  how  the 
divine  power  is  disposed  to  good  men.  For  it 
is  said  that  the  molten  lava  flowed  around  that 
spot  in  a  circle,  and  that  the  two  alone  were  saved, 
from  which  fact  the  place  is  spoken  of,  even  up  to 
the  present  time,  as  the  "place  of  the  pious." 
But  of  those  who  made  a  hasty  retreat  and  de- 
serted their  parents,  all  were  overtaken  in  the 
stream  and  perished. 

And  so  also  must  you,  respecting  this  token  of 
divine  justice,  with  one  accord  inflict  punishment 
upon  this  man,  who  for  his  part  has  made  himself 
chargeable  with  all  the  most  heinous  crimes.  For 
he  has  deprived  the  gods  of  their  national  honors, 
he  has  deserted  his  parents  to  the  enemy,  he  has 
forbidden  the  dead  to  obtain  the  customary  burial 
rites. 

Be  sure,  judges,  that  each  of  you,  by  the  vote 


VOL.  I.  — 13. 


194  The  World's  Orators 

which  he  now  gives  in  secret,  will  lay  his  thought 
bare  to  the  gods.  And  I  deem  that  this  day, 
judges,  you  are  passing  a  collective  sentence  on  all 
the  greatest  and  most  dreadful  forms  of  crime,  of 
all  of  which  Leocrates  is  manifestly  guilty ;  on 
treason,  since  he  abandoned  the  city  to  its  troubles 
and  brought  it  under  the  hand  of  the  enemy  ;  on 
subversion  of  the  democracy,  since  he  did  not 
stand  the  ordeal  of  the  struggle  for  freedom  ;  on 
impiety,  since  he  has  done  what  one  man  could  to 
obliterate  the  sacred  precincts  and  to  demolish  the 
temples  ;  on  ill-treatment  of  parents,  for  he  sought 
to  destroy  the  monuments,  and  to  abolish  the 
liturgy  of  the  dead  ;  on  a  soldier's  desertion  of  his 
post  and  avoidance  of  his  duty,  for  he  did  not 
place  his  personal  service  at  the  disposal  of  the 
generals.  Who,  then,  will  acquit  this  man — who 
will  condone  misdeeds  which  were  deliberate  ? 
Who  is  so  foolish  as,  by  saving  this  man,  to  place 
his  own  safety  at  the  mercy  of  cowardly  deserters  ? 
Who  will  show  compassion  to  this*man,  and  so 
elect  to  die  unpitied  at  the  hands  of  the  enemy  ? 
Who  will  conciliate  the  gratitude  of  his  country's 
betrayer,  in  order  to  make  himself  obnoxious  to 
the  vengeance  of  the  gods  ? 

In  the  cause  of  my  country,  of  the  temples,  and 
of  the  laws,  I  have  fairly  and  justly  set  forth  the 
issue,  without  disparaging  or  vilifying  the  defend- 
ant's private  life  or  bringing  any  irrelevant  accusa- 


Against  Leocrates  195 

tion.  You  must  reflect,  every  one  of  you,  that  to 
acquit  Leocrates  is  to  pass  sentence  of  death  and 
enslavement  on  your  country.  Two  urns  are 
before  you  ;  and  the  votes  which  you  give  are,  in 
the  one  case,  for  the  overthrow  of  your  city,  in  the 
other,  for  its  safety  and  its  domestic  welfare.  If 
you  should  absolve  Leocrates,  you  will  vote  for 
betraying  the  city,  the  temples,  and  the  ships  ;  if 
you  put  him  to  death,  you  will  exhort  men  to 
cherish  and  preserve  their  country,  her  revenues 
and  her  prosperity.  Deem,  then,  Athenians,  that 
a  prayer  goes  up  to  you  from  the  very  land  and  all 
its  groves,  from  the  harbors,  from  the  arsenals, 
from  the  walls  of  the  city,  deem  that  the  shrines 
and  holy  places  are  summoning  you  to  protect 
them,  and,  remembering  the  charges  against  him, 
make  Leocrates  a  proof  that  compassion  and  tears 
do  not  prevail  with  you  over  solicitude  for  the  laws 
and  the  commonweal. 

Translated  for  this  volume  by  Mitchell  Carroll,  Ph.D., 
Professor  in  the  Columbian  University. 


HYPEREIDES 

Hypereides  was  born  about  390  B.C.  and  was  a  pupil  of 
Plato  and  Isocrates.  He  began  his  career  as  a  professional 
speech-writer.  In  the  contest  with  Macedon,  he  was  a  stead- 
fast ally  of  Demosthenes,  but  afterwards  spoke  against  Demos- 
thenes when  the  latter  was  charged  with  receiving  bribes 
from  Harpalus,  Alexander's  treasurer,  and  contributed  to  his 
condemnation.  After  the  death  of  Alexander,  he  was  the 
chief  instigator  of  the  Lamian  War,  and  after  its  unfortunate 
close  he,  with  Demosthenes  and  other  patriots,  was  con- 
demned to  death.  He  fled  to  a  temple  in  y^gina,  but  was 
dragged  from  it,  and  by  order  of  Antipater  was  put  to  death 
in  ^22  B.C.  at  Corinth. 

His  speeches  are  noted  for  their  skill  of  construction  and 
the  grace  and  charm  of  their  expression.  To  beauty  of  style 
he  added  the  tact,  wit,  irony,  and  perfect  taste  of  an  accom- 
plished man  of  the  world. 

Papyrus  manuscripts,  discovered  in  Egypt  at  different  times, 
have  yielded  all  we  have  of  Hypereides  except  a  few  frag- 
ments: in  1842,  fragments  of  a  speech  for  Lycophron,  the 
speech  for  Euxenippus,  and  fragments  of  the  speech  against 
Demosthenes  in  the  Harpalus  trial  ;  in  1856,  an  important 
part  of  the  Funeral  Oration  over  those  who  had  fallen  in  the 
Lamian  War  ;  and  in  1888,  the  mutilated  remains  of  the  ora- 
tions against  Athenogenes  and  Philippides. 

The  text  of  the  first  four  orations  is  edited  by  Blass  (1881) 
in  the  Teubner  series  ;  there  is  a  good  edition  of  the  orations 
for  Lycophron  and  Euxenippus  by  Babington,  with  facsimi- 
les of  the  MSS.  (Cambridge,  1853);  and  F.  G.  Kenyon  has 
published  the  texts  of  the  orations  against  Athenogenes  and 
Philippides  with  an  excellent  English  translation  (London, 
1893). 

The  best  account  of  his  oratory  is  that  of  Blass,  Attische 
Beredsamkeit,  iii.,  2,  pp.  1-72  (1877);  see  also  Jebb,  Attic 
Orators,  ii.,  pp.  381-392. 


197 


AGAINST  PHILIPPIDES 

Hfpereides. 

This  oration  arose  out  of  the  hostility  of  the  Pro-Macedonian  and  Anti-Mace- 
donian parties  at  Athens,  and  is  of  importance  because  of  its  effect  on  public  in- 
terests. Philippides  had  proposed  to  vote  a  crown  to  the  presidents  at  a  certain 
sitting  of  the  Assembly,  ' '  for  their  upright  and  legal  action  in  passing  a  vote  of 
honor  to  the  King  of  Macedon."  Hypereides  brought  a  charge  against  Philippides 
for  proposing  an  unconstitutional  measure,  intending  thereby  to  inflict  a  blow 
on  the  Macedonian  party.  The  speech  was  probably  delivered  shortly  after 
Alexander's  departure  from  his  first  visit  to  Greece. 

Only  the  conclusion  of  the  oration  is  preserved.  After  attacking  the  Macedonian 
party  generally,  Hypereides  directs  his  remarks  against  Democrates  of  Aphidna, 
perhaps  a  supporter  of  the  defendant.  He  closes  with  a  final  summary  of  the 
case  and  a  peroration. 

GENTLEMEN,  I  have  but  a  few  more  words 
to  say  to  you  by  way  of  recapitulation,  and 
then  I  will  sit  down.  The  issue  on  which  you  are 
about  to  give  your  votes  is  an  indictment  for  pro- 
posing an  illegal  resolution  in  the  Assembly.  The 
resolution  thus  arraigned  is  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the 
presidential  committee.  Now,  you  have  heard 
the  laws  read,  and  know  that  the  presidents  are 
bound  to  exercise  their  office  in  accordance  with 
the  law,  and  that  these  presidents  have  acted  con- 
trary to  the  law.    The  matter  now  rests  in  your 

hands.    You  will  show  by  your  votes  whether  you 

199 


200  The  World's  Orators 

intend  to  punish  those  who  propose  illegal  resolu- 
tions, or  to  grant  to  those  who  have  illegally  abused 
their  position  as  presidents  the  honors  which  are 
by  custom  assigned  to  public  benefactors  ;  and  you 
will  remember  that  you  are  under  oath  to  give 
your  votes  in  accordance  with  the  law. 

Perhaps  they  will  plead  that  the  Assembly 
passed  the  vote  of  honor  under  compulsion  ;  but 
you  must  not  be  beguiled  by  so  fallacious  a  plea 
for  a  moment.  They  cannot  say  that  there  was 
any  compulsion  to  vote  a  crown  of  honor  to  the 
presidents.  But,  apart  from  this,  the  defendant 
has  himself  made  the  question  easy  for  us  to  de- 
cide, by  his  statement  of  the  grounds  upon  which 
he  bestowed  this  crown  upon  them.  The  words 
are  "because  they  have  been  upright  in  their  deal- 
ings with  the  State,  and  have  administered  their 
office  in  accordance  with  the  laws." 

That  is  the  issue  :  now  bring  him  forth  to  make 
his  defence  on  it.  You,  sir,  Philippides,  prove  the 
truth  of  your  statement  about  the  conduct  of  the 
presidents.  Justify  the  assumption  upon  which 
your  proposal  is  based,  and  so  secure  your  acquit- 
tal if  you  can. 

Perhaps  you  think  that  your  customary  jests  and 
buffoonery  will  avail  you  in  the  courts  also  and 
win  you  an  acquittal.  If  so,  you  are  simple  indeed. 
Do  you  imagine  that  there  is  any  store  of  pity  or 
compassion  for  you  here  which  may  divert  the 


Against  Philippides  201 

course  of  justice  ?  Far  from  it.  You  have  laid  up 
no  good-will  towards  yourself  in  the  hearts  of  the 
people.  On  the  contrary,  you  never  used  to  think 
it  worth  while  to  devote  any  blandishments  to 
those  in  whose  hands  your  salvation  is  now  placed; 
you  reserved  them  all  for  the  enemies  of  your 
country.  You  were  foolish  enough  to  suppose 
that  a  single  individual's  life  would  last  forever, 
and  you  passed  sentence  of  death  on  a  State  that 
has  known  so  long  a  life  as  ours.  It  did  not  strike 
you  that  of  all  the  despots  of  former  days  not  one 
has  ever  returned  to  life  after  having  once  died, 
while  many  cities  that  have  been  utterly  destroyed 
have  flourished  again  in  newness  of  strength.  You 
did  not  reflect  how,  in  the  days  of  the  Thirty,  our 
country  survived  the  assaults  alike  of  foreign  invad- 
ers and  of  their  domestic  allies.  No,  you  have  been 
caught  red-handed,  on  the  watch  for  opportunities 
to  inflict  injury  upon  the  State,  whether  by  word  or 
deed.  Opportunities  indeed  !  In  a  few  minutes 
you  will  be  brazenly  declaring  that  you  never 
watched  for  opportunities  of  doing  harm  to  the 
country  ;  and  you  have  brought  your  children  with 
you  into  court,  and  in  a  few  moments  you  will  be 
calling  them  up  into  the  box  and  adjuring  the 
judges  to  have  pity  on  them.  You  have  no  right 
to  pity.  When  all  beside  you  expressed  grief  for 
the  disasters  which  befell  the  country,  you  exulted 
over  it.    The  heroes  who  suffered  then  experienced 


202  The  World's  Orators 

a  fate  unworthy  of  their  deserts,  for  they  were 
striving  to  save  Hellas  ;  but  you,  in  the  vote  that 
is  about  to  be  given,  will  receive  a  righteous  recom- 
pense for  having  dragged  the  country  through  the 
depths  of  undeserved  disgrace. 

Yes,  for  why  should  you  spare  him  ?  Because 
he  is  a  Democrat  ?  On  the  contrary,  you  know 
that  he  has  always  preferred  to  serve  our  despots, 
and  arrogates  to  himself  the  right  of  dictating  to  the 
people.  Then  because  he  is  upright  ?  Why,  you 
have  twice  convicted  him  of  dishonesty  !  Ah,  but 
he  is  a  useful  tool.  Well,  but  if  you  use  as  a  tool 
a  man  whom  you  have  notoriously  condemned  as 
an  evil-doer,  you  will  either  show  that  your  con- 
demnation was  wrong,  or  that  you  have  a  prefer- 
ence for  evil-doers.  It  is  not  right  that  you  should, 
of  your  own  whim,  acquiesce  in  this  scoundrel's 
misdeeds.  It  is  your  duty  to  execute  justice  on  the 
offender,  if  it  should  be  pleaded  that  he  has  al- 
ready been  twice  convicted  for  proposing  illegal  res- 
olutions, and  that  consequently  you  ought  to  let 
him  off  this  time,  both  premise  and  conclusion 
should  be  turned  the  other  way.  In  the  first  place, 
it  is  a  stroke  of  good  fortune  to  have  got  a  man, 
who  has  admittedly  been  guilty  of  proposing  ille- 
gal resolutions,  for  the  third  time  in  the  dock  before 
you ;  since  there  is  no  reason  to  spare  him,  as 
though  he  were  an  honest  man,  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, there  is  every  reason  to  rid  yourselves  as 


Against  Philippides  203 

quickly  as  possible  of  one  who  has  twice  already 
given  public  proof  of  his  iniquity.  And,  secondly, 
take  the  precedent  of  convictions  for  perjury.  Per- 
sons twice  convicted  of  perjury,  together  with  those 
in  whose  favor  they  have  given  false  evidence,  are 
excused  from  appearing  subsequently  as  witnesses, 
in  order  that  it  may  not  be  said  that  compulsion  by 
the  State  has  been  the  cause  of  any  citizen  being 
disfranchised.  He  must  himself  take  the  responsi- 
bility for  his  own  disgrace,  if  he  will  not  cease  from 
bearing  false  witness. 

Similarly,  those  who  have  been  found  guilty  of 
proposing  illegal  resolutions  are  perfectly  free  to  ab- 
stain from  proposing  resolutions  in  the  future  ;  and 
if  they  do  not  so  abstain,  it  is  plain  that  some  pri- 
vate interest  is  the  motive  of  their  action,  and  con- 
sequently they  do  not  deserve  pity,  but  punishment. 

Now,  that  1  may  not  weary  you  by  speaking  at 
undue  length,  the  clerk  shall  read  the  indictment  to 
you  once  again  ;  and  then  do  you,  when  your 
memories  have  been  refreshed  as  to  the  charges 
that  have  been  brought  home  to  the  defendant,  and 
when  you  have  heard  the  words  of  the  law  read 
aloud  in  your  ears,  give  a  vote  in  which  justice  and 
your  own  interests  shall  alike  be  satisfied. 

Translated  by  F.  G.  Kenyan,  for  "Hyperides," 
published  by  George  Bell  &-  Sons,  London. 
Reprinted  by  permission. 


FUNERAL  ORATION 

Hypereides. 

Hypereides  was  appointed  in  322  b.c.  to  deliver  the  usual  funeral  oration  over 
Leosthenes  and  his  comrades,  who  had  fallen  in  the  Lamian  War.  For  a  century 
and  a  half  it  had  been  an  Athenian  custom  that  an  oration  should  be  delivered 
at  the  public  funeral  of  tliose  who  had  died  fighting  for  their  country.  Despite 
this  custom,  the  following  fragment  is  the  only  extant  specimen  of  the  many 
orations  delivered  at  Athens  over  the  dead.  In  the  treatise  On  the  Sublime, 
this  speech  is  ranked  as  the  highest  effort  of  panegyric  oratory.  The  year  of 
its  delivery  is  memorable  for  the  death  of  Hypereides  himself,  of  Demosthenes, 
and  of  Aristotle. 

LEOSTHENES,  aware  that  all  Hellas  was  abased, 
panic-stricken,  ruined  by  those  who  take 
bribes  from  Philip  and  Alexander  against  their  na- 
tive cities, — that  Athens  was  in  need  of  a  man, 
and  all  Hellas  in  need  of  a  city,  capable  of  exercis- 
ing leadership, — gave  himself  as  an  offering  to 
Athens,  and  Athens  as  an  offering  to  the  freedom 
of  Greece.  Then,  having  organized  a  force  of  mer- 
cenaries, and  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  citi- 
zens, he  saw  the  first  who  took  the  field  against 
Hellenic  freedom — Boeotians,  Macedonians,  Euboe- 
ans  and  their  allies — fall  before  him  on  a  Boeotian 
plain.     Thence   he   went  to  the  Gates  —  seized 

those  passes  through   which   of  old   barbarians 

204 


Funeral  Oration  205 

marched  against  Greeks,  arrested  tlie  Greece-ward 
progress  of  Antipater,  found  Antipater  himself  in 
those  regions,  beat  him  in  a  battle,  imprisoned 
and  besieged  him  in  Lamia  ;  made  allies  of  the 
Thessalians,  Phocians,  /Etolians  and  other  people 
of  the  country;  and,  where  Philip  and  Alexander 
had  gloried  in  an  extorted  submission,  received 
the  tribute  of  voluntary  loyalty.  His,  indeed,  it 
was  to  perform  the  cause  that  he  had  taken  in 
hand-;  but  not  to  evade  the  doom  of  destiny. 
And  in  justice  we  must  give  Leosthenes  our  grati- 
tude, not  merely  for  all  that  he  did  himself,  but 
also  for  the  victory  won  after  his  death,  and  for 
the  other  benefits  which  the  campaign  has  brought 
to  Greece  ;  for  it  is  on  the  foundations  laid  by 
Leosthenes  that  the  achievements  of  his  successors 
are  arising.     .     .     . 

With  us,  and  with  all  the  living,  as  we  have 
seen,  they  shall  ever  have  renown  ;  but  in  the 
dark  under-world — suffer  us  to  ask — who  are  they 
that  will  stretch  forth  a  right  hand  to  the  captain 
of  our  dead  ?  May  we  not  deem  that  Leosthenes 
will  be  greeted  with  welcome  and  wohder  by 
those  half-gods  who  bore  arms  against  Troy — he 
who  set  himself  to  deeds  germane  with  theirs,  but 
in  this  surpassed  them,  that  while  they,  aided  by 
all  Hellas,  took  one  town,  he,  supported  by  his 
own  city  alone,  humbled  the  power  that  ruled 
Europe  and  Asia  ?     They    avenged   the   wrong 


2o6  The  World's  Orators 

offered  to  one  woman  ;  he  stayed  the  insults  that 
were  being  heaped  on  all  the  cities  of  Hellas — he 
and  those  who  are  sharing  his  last  honors — men 
who,  coming  after  the  heroes,  wrought  deeds  of 
heroic  worth.  Aye,  and  there,  I  deem,  will  be 
Miltiades  and  Themistocles,  and  those  others  who 
made  Hellas  free,  to  the  credit  of  their  city,  to  the 
glory  of  their  names — whom  this  man  surpassed 
in  courage  and  in  counsel,  seeing  that  they  re- 
pelled the  power  of  the  barbarians  when  it  had 
come  against  them,  but  he  forbade  its  approach  ; 
they  saw  the  foemen  fighting  in  their  own  coun- 
try, but  he  worsted  his  enemies  on  the  enemy's 
soil.  And  surely  they  who  gave  the  people  trusty 
proof  of  their  mutual  love,  Harmodios  and  Aristo- 
geiton,  will  count  no  friends  so  near  to  themselves, 
or  so  faithful  to  you,  as  Leosthenes  and  those  who 
strove  beside  him,  nor  will  they  so  consort  with 
any  dwellers  in  the  place  of  the  dead.  Well  may 
it  be  so,  since  these  have  done  deeds  not  less  than 
theirs,  but,  if  it  may  be  said,  even  greater ;  for 
they  put  down  the  despots  of  their  own  city, 
but  these  put  down  the  despots  of  Hellas.  O 
beautiful  and  wonderful  enterprise,  O  glorious  and 
magnificent  devotion,  O  soldiership  transcendant 
in  dangers,  which  these  offered  to  the  freedom  of 
Greece !    .     .     . 

It  is  hard,  perhaps,  to  comfort  those  who  are  m 
such  a  sorrow  ;  grief  is  not  laid  to  rest  by  speech 


Funeral  Oration  207 

or  by  observance  ;  rather  is  it  for  the  nature  of  the 
mourner  and  the  nearness  of  the  lost,  to  determine 
the  boundaries  of  anguish.  Still,  we  must  take 
heart,  and  lighten  pain  as  we  may,  and  remember 
not  only  the  death  of  the  departed  but  the  good 
name  also  that  they  have  left  behind  them.  We 
owe  not  tears  to  their  fate,  but  rather  great  praises  to 
their  deeds.  If  they  came  not  to  old  age  among 
men,  they  have  got  the  glory  that  never  grows  old, 
and  have  been  made  blessed  perfectly.  Those 
among  them  who  died  childless  shall  have  as  their 
inheritors  the  immortal  eulogies  of  Greece ;  and 
those  of  them  who  have  left  children  behind  them 
have  bequeathed  a  trust  of  which  their  country's 
love  will  assume  the  guardianship.  More  than 
this — if  to  die  is  to  be  as  though  we  had  never 
been,  then  these  have  passed  away  from  sickness 
and  pain  and  from  all  the  accidents  of  the  earthly 
life  ;  or,  if  there  is  feeling  in  the  under-world,  and 
if,  as  we  conjecture,  the  care  of  the  Divine  Power 
is  over  it,  then  it  may  well  be  that  they  who  ren- 
dered aid  to  the  worship  of  the  gods  in  the  hour 
of  its  eminent  desolation  are  most  precious  to  that 
power's  providence. 

Translated  by  R,  C.  Jebb,  M.A.,  for  "  The  Attic 
Orators, ' '  published  by  Macmillan  5r  Co.  Re- 
printed by  permission. 


ON  THE  HALONNESUS 

Hegesippus. 

Hegesippus  was  at  the  head  of  an  embassy  sent  in  343  b.c.  from  Athens  to 
Philip  to  negotiate  concerning  the  restoration  of  the  island  of  Halonnesus  and  other 
matters.  Philip  rejected  the  terms  of  the  Athenians,  but  in  the  following  year 
sent  an  embassy  to  present  the  island  to  Athens.  During  the  debate  on  this  offer- 
ing the  following  speech  was  delivered.  It  is  included  among  Demosthenes' 
works,  but  is  really  the  composition  of  Hegesippus,  one  of  the  most  eloquent 
and  able  orators  of  the  Anti-Macedonian  party. 

MEN  of  Athens  !  It  is  by  no  means  reasonable 
that  the  complaints  which  Philip  urges 
against  those  speakers  who  assert  your  rights 
should  deprive  us  of  the  liberty  of  enforcing  the 
true  interests  of  our  country.  Grievous,  indeed, 
would  be  the  case  if  the  freedom  of  our  public 
debates  were  to  be  at  once  destroyed  by  a  letter 
sent  from  him.  It  is  my  present  purpose,  first,  to 
examine  the  several  allegations  mentioned  in  this 
letter ;  then  shall  we  proceed  to  the  other  particu- 
lars urged  by  his  ambassadors. 

Philip  begins  with  speaking  of  the  Halonnesus  : 
this  island,  he  declares,  is  his  ;  that  he  presents  it 
to  us  as  a  free  gift  ;  that  we  have  no  rightful  claims 

to  it ;  nor  hath  he  injured  our  property  either  in 

208 


On  the  Halonnesus  209 

acquiring  or  in  keeping  possession  of  it.  Such 
were  his  professions  at  the  time  when  we  were  sent 
on  our  embassy  to  Macedon  :  that  he  had  won  this 
island  from  the  pirates  who  had  seized  it,  and  was 
therefore  justified  in  keeping  his  acquisition.  But, 
as  this  plea  hath  no  support  from  truth  and  justice, 
it  is  not  difficult  to  deprive  him  of  it.  The  places 
seized  by  pirates  are  ever  the  property  of  some 
others  ;  these  they  fortify,  and  from  thence  make 
their  excursions.  But  the  man  who  punishes  their 
outrages,  and  drives  them  out,  cannot  reasonably 
allege  that  the  possessions  which  these  pirates  un- 
justly wrested  from  the  rightful  proprietors  must 
instantly  devolve  to  him.  If  this  be  suffered,  then, 
if  some  pirates  should  seize  a  part  of  Attica,  or 
of  Lemnos,  or  of  Imbros,  or  of  Scyros,  and  if  any 
power  should  cut  them  off— the  places  which  they 
had  seized,  though  our  undoubted  property,  must 
continue  in  his  possession  whose  arms  chastised 
these  pirates.  Philip  is  himself  sensible  of  the 
weakness  of  this  plea.  There  are  others  equally 
sensible  of  this  ;  but  it  is  imagined  easy  to  impose 
on  you  by  means  of  those  who  are  administering 
our  affairs  agreeably  to  the  wishes  of  the  Macedon- 
ian ;  who  promised  him,  and  are  now  performing 
this  service.  Yet  he  cannot  but  know  that  we 
must  come  into  possession  of  this  island,  in  what- 
ever terms  our  transaction  may  be  expressed, 
whether  you  accept  it  or  resume  it.    Why  then 

VOL.    I. — 14. 


2IO  The  World's  Orators 

should  he  not  use  the  fair  and  equitable  term,  and 
restore  it,  rather  than  adhere  to  that  word  which 
proves  his  injustice,  and  pretend  to  present  it  as  a 
gift  ?  Not  that  he  may  be  supposed  to  confer  a 
benefit  on  us  (such  benefits  are  ridiculous)  ;  but 
that  he  may  demonstrate  to  all  Greece  that  the 
Athenians  think  themselves  happy  in  owing  their 
maritime  dominions  to  the  favor  of  the  Macedonian. 
O  my  countrymen  !  let  us  not  descend  to  this. 

As  to  his  proposal  of  submitting  this  contest  to 
umpires,  it  is  the  language  of  derision  and  mockery. 
It  supposes,  in  the  first  place,  that  we,  who  are 
Athenians,  could,  in  our  disputes  with  one  sprung 
from  Pella,  descend  to  have  our  title  to  the  islands 
determined  by  arbitration.  And  if  our  own  power, 
that  power  to  which  Greece  owes  its  liberty,  can- 
not secure  us  the  possession  of  these  places ;  if 
umpires  are  to  be  appointed  ;  if  we  are  to  commit 
our  cause  to  them  ;  if  their  votes  are  absolutely  to 
decide  our  rights  ;  and  if  they  are  to  secure  to  us 
these  islands  (provided  that  they  be  influenced  by 
Philip's  gold) — if  such,  1  say,  be  your  conduct,  do 
ye  not  declare  that  ye  have  resigned  all  your  power 
on  the  continent  ?  do  ye  not  discover  to  the  world 
that  no  attempt  can  possibly  provoke  you  to  oppose 
him,  when  for  your  maritime  dominions,  whence 
Athens  derives  its  greatest  power,  you  have  not 
recourse  to  arms,  but  submit  to  umpires  ? 

He  further  observes,  that  his  commissioners  have 


On  the  Halonnesus  211 

been  sent  hither  to  settle  a  cartel  of  commerce ; 
and  that  this  shall  be  confirmed,  not  when  it  hath 
received  the  sanction  of  your  tribunal,  as  the  law 
directs,  but  when  it  hath  been  returned  to  him. 
Thus  would  he  assume  a  power  over  your  judica- 
ture. His  intention  is  to  betray  you  into  unguarded 
concessions,  to  have  it  expressly  acknowledged  in 
this  cartel  that  you  do  not  accuse  him  of  injuring 
the  State  by  his  outrageous  conduct  with  respect 
to  Potidiea  ;  that  you  confirm  his  right  both  of 
seizing  and  possessing  this  city.  And  yet  those 
Athenians  who  had  settled  in  Potidasa  —  at  a 
time  when  they  were  not  at  war  with  Philip ; 
when  they  were  united  with  him  in  alliance  ;  when 
the  most  solemn  engagements  subsisted  between 
them  ;  when  they  had  the  utmost  reliance  on 
Philip's  oaths — were  yet  despoiled  by  this  prince 
of  all  their  possessions.  And  now  he  would  have 
you  ratify  this  his  iniquitous  procedure,  and  de- 
clare that  you  have  suffered  no  injury,  that  you 
have  no  complaints  to  urge  against  him  :  for  that 
the  Macedonians  have  no  need  of  any  cartels  in 
their  commerce  with  the  Athenians,  former  times 
afford  sufficient  proof  Neither  Amyntas,  the  father 
of  Philip,  nor  any  of  the  other  kings  of  Macedon 
ever  made  these  cartels  with  our  State,  although 
our  intercourse  was  much  greater  in  those  days 
than  now  :  for  Macedon  was  then  subject  to  us  ;  it 
paid  us  tribute  ;  and  then,  much  more  than  now, 


212  The  World's  Orators 

did  we  frequent  their  markets,  and  they  enjoy  the 
advantages  of  ours ;  nor  were  the  tribunals,  to 
which  affairs  of  commerce  might  be  brought,  set- 
tled in  so  regular  a  manner  as  at  present.  As  these 
are  opened  once  in  each  month,  they  make  all 
cartels  between  two  countries  so  far  removed  from 
each  other  quite  unnecessary.  And  as  these  were 
not  agreeable  to  ancient  usage,  it  is  by  no  means 
prudent  to  establish  them  now,  and  thus  to  subject 
men  to  the  inconvenience  of  a  voyage  from  Mace- 
don  to  Athens,  or  from  us  to  Macedon,  in  order  to 
obtain  justice.  The  laws  of  each  country  are  open  ; 
and  they  are  sufficient  for  the  decision  of  all  con- 
troversies. Be  assured,  therefore,  that  by  this  cartel 
he  means  but  to  betray  you  into  a  resignation  of 
all  your  pretensions  to  Potidasa. 

As  to  the  pirates,  he  observes  that  justice  re- 
quires that  we  should  act  in  concert  with  him,  in 
order  to  guard  against  those  who  infest  the  seas. 
By  this  he  in  effect  desires  that  we  should  resign 
to  him  the  sovereignty  of  the  seas,  and  acknow- 
ledge that  without  Philip's  aid  we  are  not  able  to 
secure  a  navigation  free  and  unmolested.  Nor  is 
this  his  only  scheme.  He  would  have  an  uncon- 
trolled liberty  of  sailing  round  and  visiting  the 
several  islands,  under  the  pretence  of  defending 
them  from  pirates,  that  so  he  may  corrupt  the 
inhabitants,  and  seduce  them  from  their  allegiance 
to  us.    Not  contented  with  transporting  his  exiles 


On  the  Halonnesus  213 

to  Thasus  under  the  conduct  of  our  commanders, 
he  would  gain  possession  of  the  other  islands  by 
sending  out  his  fleets  to  sail  in  company  with  our 
admirals,  as  if  united  with  us  in  defence  of  the 
seas.  There  are  some  who  say  that  he  hath  no 
occasion  for  a  maritime  power ;  yet  he  who  hath 
no  occasion  to  secure  such  a  power  prepares  his 
ships  for  war,  erects  his  arsenals,  concerts  his  naval 
expeditions,  and,  by  the  vast  expense  bestowed  on 
his  marine,  plainly  shows  that  it  is  the  grand  object 
of  his  attention.  And  can  you  think,  ye  men  of 
Athens !  that  Philip  could  desire  you  to  yield  to 
him  this  sovereignty  of  the  seas  unless  he  held  you 
in  contempt  ?  unless  he  had  firm  reliance  on  the 
men  whose  services  he  determined  to  purchase  ? 
the  men  who,  insensible  to  shame,  live  for  Philip, 
not  for  their  country  ;  who  vainly  fancy  they  have 
enriched  their  families  by  the  bribes  received  from 
him,  when  these  bribes  are  really  the  prices  for 
which  they  have  sold  their  families. 

And  now  with  respect  to  the  explanation  of  the 
articles  of  peace,  which  the  ambassadors  com- 
missioned by  him  submitted  to  our  determination 
(as  we  insisted  only  on  a  point  universally  acknow- 
ledged to  be  just,  that  each  party  should  enjoy 
their  own  dominions),  he  denies  that  ever  his  am- 
bassadors were  commissioned  to  make,  or  ever 
did  make,  such  a  concession  ;  so  that  his  partisans 
must  have  persuaded  him  that  you  have  utterly 


214  The  World's  Orators 

forgotten  the  declarations  made  publicly  in  the 
assembly.  But  these  of  all  things  cannot  possibly 
be  forgotten  ;  for  in  the  very  same  assembly  his 
ambassadors  rose,  and  made  these  declarations  ; 
and,  in  consequence  of  them,  the  decree  was 
instantly  drawn  up.  As,  then,  the  recital  of  the 
decree  immediately  succeeded  the  speeches  of  the 
ambassadors,  it  is  not  possible  that  you  could  have 
recited  their  declarations  falsely.  This,  then,  is  an 
insinuation,  not  against  me,  but  against  the  assem- 
bly ;  as  if  you  had  transmitted  a  decree  containing 
an  answer  to  points  never  once  mentioned.  But 
these  ambassadors,  whose  declarations  were  thus 
falsified,  at  the  time  when  we  returned  our  answer 
in  form  and  invited  them  to  a  public  entertain- 
ment, never  once  rose  up,  never  once  ventured  to 
say,  '^Men  of  Athens,  we  have  been  misrepre- 
sented ;  you  have  made  us  say  what  we  never 
said  ; "  but  acquiesced,  and  departed. 

Recollect,  I  entreat  you,  the  declarations  of 
Python,  who  was  at  the  head  of  this  embassy,  the 
man  who  then  received  the  public  thanks  of  the 
assembly.  They  cannot,  I  presume,  have  escaped 
your  memory  ;  and  they  were  exactly  consonant 
to  Philip's  present  letter.  He  accused  us  of  calum- 
niating Philip  ;  he  declared  that  you  yourselves 
were  to  be  blamed ;  for  when  his  master  was 
endeavoring  to  do  you  service,  when  he  preferred 
your  alliance  to  that  of  any  other  of  the  Grecian 


On  the  Halonnesus  215 

States,  you  defeated  his  kind  intentions  by  listening 
to  sycophants  who  wished  to  receive  his  money, 
and  yet  loaded  him  with  invectives ;  that  when 
those  speeches  were  repeated  to  him  in  which  his 
reputation  was  so  severely  treated,  and  which  you 
heard  with  such  satisfaction,  he  naturally  changed 
his  determination,  as  he  found  that  he  was  re- 
garded as  devoid  of  faith  by  those  whom  he  had 
resolved  to  oblige.  He  desired  that  the  men  who 
spoke  in  this  assembly  should  not  declaim  against 
the  peace,  which  certainly  was  not  to  be  broken  ; 
but  that  if  any  article  was  amiss  it  should  be 
amended,  in  which  we  might  be  assured  of  Philip's 
entire  concurrence.  But  that,  if  they  continued 
their  invectives,  without  proposing  anything  by 
which  the  treaty  might  be  confirmed  and  all  sus- 
picions of  his  master  removed,  then  no  attention 
should  be  given  to  such  men.  You  heard  these 
declarations  of  Python  ;  you  assented ;  you  said 
that  they  were  just ;  and  just  they  certainly  were. 
But  by  these  professions  it  was  by  no  means 
intended  to  give  up  an  article  of  the  treaty  so 
essential  to  his  interest ;  to  give  up  what  all  his 
treasures  had  been  expended  to  obtain  :  no  ;  he 
had  been  taught  by  his  instructors  of  this  place, 
that  not  a  man  would  dare  to  propose  anything 
contradictory  to  that  decree  of  Philocrates  by  which 
we  lost  Amphipolis.  I,  on  my  part,  Athenians, 
never  have  presumed  to  propose  anything  illegal 


2i6  The  World's  Orators 

I  have,  indeed,  ventured  to  speak  against  the  de- 
cree of  Philocrates,  because  it  was  illegal.  For 
this  decree,  by  which  Amphipolis  was  lost,  contra- 
dicted former  decrees,  by  which  our  right  to  this 
territory  was  asserted.  This,  then,  was  an  illegal 
decree  which  Philocrates  proposed  ;  and,  therefore, 
he  who  had  the  due  regard  to  our  laws  in  all  that 
he  proposed  could  not  but  contradict  a  decree  so 
inconsistent  with  our  laws.  By  conforming  to 
the  ancient  legal  acts  of  this  assembly,  1  showed 
the  due  attention  to  the  laws,  and  at  the  same 
time  proved  that  Philip  was  deceiving  you  ;  that  he 
had  no  intention  of  amending  any  article  of  the 
treaty ;  that  his  sole  purpose  was  to  destroy  the 
credit  of  those  speakers  who  asserted  the  rights  of 
their  country. 

it  is  then  manifest,  that  having  first  consented  to 
this  amendment  of  the  treaty,  he  now  recalls  his 
concession.  He  insists  that  Amphipolis  is  his ;  that 
you  have  acknowledged  it  to  be  his  by  the  very 
words  of  your  decree,  which  declare  that  he  shall 
enjoy  his  own  possessions.  Such  was,  indeed, 
your  declaration  :  but  not  that  Amphipolis  was 
Philip's ;  for  a  man  may  possess  the  property  of 
others  ;  nor  can  possession  infer  a  right,  since  it  is 
frequently  acquired  by  unjust  usurpation.  So  that 
his  argument  is  no  more  than  an  idle  sophistical 
equivocation.  He  insists  particularly  on  the  decree 
of  Philocrates,  but  he  forgets  his  letter  to  this  State 


On  the  Halonnesus  217 

at  the  time  when  he  laid  siege  to  Amphipolis,  in 
which  he  directly  acknowledged  that  Amphipolis 
belonged  to  you,  and  declared  that  his  intention  in 
attacking  this  city  was  to  wrest  it  from  the  then 
possessors,  who  had  no  claim  to  it,  and  to  vest  it 
in  the  Athenians,  who  were  the  rightful  sovereigns. 
Well,  then,  the  men  who  were  in  possession  of 
this  city  before  Philip's  conquest  usurped  our 
right ;  but  when  Philip  had  reduced  it,  did  our 
right  cease  at  once  ?  Did  he  but  recover  his  own 
dominions  ?  When  he  reduced  Olynthus  also, 
when  he  subdued  Apollonia,  when  he  gained  Pal- 
lene,  did  he  but  recover  his  own  dominions  ? 
When  he  makes  use  of  such  evasion,  can  you 
think  that  he  is  at  all  solicitous  to  preserve  a  de- 
cent semblance  of  reason  and  justice  ?  No ;  he 
treats  you  with  contempt  in  presuming  to  dispute 
your  title  to  a  city  which  the  whole  nation  of 
Greece,  which  the  Persian  king  himself  by  the  most 
authentic  declarations  acknowledged  to  be  ours. 

Another  amendment  of  the  treaty  which  we 
contended  for  was  this  :  that  all  the  Greeks  not  in- 
cluded in  the  peace  should  enjoy  their  liberty  and 
their  laws ;  and  that,  if  invaded,  they  should  be 
defended  by  all  the  confederating  parties.  For 
this,  1  say,  we  contended,  sensible  that  justice  and 
humanity  required  not  only  that  we  and  our  allies, 
and  Philip  and  his  allies,  should  enjoy  the  advan- 
tages of  the  peace,  but  that  those  who  were  neither 


2i8  The  World's  Orators 

allies  to  Athens  nor  to  Macedon  should  by  no 
means  lie  exposed  to  the  oppression  of  any  power- 
ful invader ;  that  they  also  should  derive  security 
from  the  peace,  and  that  we  should  in  reality  lay 
down  our  arms  and  live  in  general  friendship  and 
tranquillity.  This  amendment  his  letter  confesses 
to  be  just ;  you  hear  that  he  accepts  it.  And  yet 
hath  he  overturned  the  State  of  the  Pherasans ; 
he  hath  introduced  his  garrison  into  the  citadel ; 
certainly,  that  they  may  enjoy  their  own  laws. 
His  arms  are  directed  against  Ambracia.  Three 
cities  in  Cassopia,  Pandosia,  Bucheta,  and  Elatia, 
all  Elean  colonies,  hath  he  invaded  with  fire  and 
sword,  and  reduced  to  the  vassalage  of  his  kinsman 
Alexander ;  glorious  proofs  of  his  concern  for  the 
liberty  and  independence  of  the  Greeks  ! 

As  to  those  promises  of  great  and  important  ser- 
vices which  he  was  perpetually  lavishing  on  the 
State,  he  now  asserts  that  I  have  belied  and  abused 
him  to  the  Greeks,  for  that  he  never  once  made 
such  promises  ;  so  devoid  of  shame  is  he,  who  de- 
clared in  his  letter,  which  still  remains  on  record, 
that  he  would  effectually  silence  his  revilers  when 
an  accommodation  was  once  obtained,  by  the  num- 
ber of  good  offices  he  would  confer  on  us,  and 
which  should  be  particularly  specified  whenever 
he  was  assured  of  such  an  accommodation  !  These 
his  favors,  then,  were  all  provided,  and  ready  to  be 
granted  to  us  when  the  peace  should  be  concluded ; 


On  the  Halonnesus  219 

but,  when  this  peace  was  once  concluded,  all  his 
favors  vanished.  How  great  havoc  hath  been 
made  in  Greece  you  need  not  be  informed.  His 
letters  assure  us  of  his  gracious  intentions  to  be- 
stow large  benefits  on  us  ;  and  now,  see  the  effect 
of  his  promises.  He  refuses  to  restore  our  domin- 
ions ;  he  claims  them  as  his  own.  And  as  to  grant- 
ing us  any  new  dominions,  they  must  not  be  in 
this  country.  No  ;  the  Greeks  might  else  be  of- 
fended. Some  other  country  must  be  sought  for, 
some  foreign  land  must  furnish  such  grants. 

As  to  those  places  which  he  seized  in  time  of 
peace,  in  open  violation  of  his  engagements,  as  he 
hath  no  pretence  to  urge,  as  he  stands  convicted 
manifestly  of  injustice,  he  says  that  he  is  ready  to 
submit  these  points  to  the  decision  of  an  equal  and 
common  tribunal.  But  they  are  points  which,  of 
all  others,  need  no  decision.  A  fair  computation  of 
time  determines  the  cause  at  once.  We  all  know 
in  what  month  and  on  what  day  the  peace  was 
made.  We  all  know,  too,  in  what  month  and  on 
what  day  Serrium,  Ergiske,  and  the  Sacred  Mount 
were  taken.  The  nature  and  manner  of  these  trans- 
actions are  no  secret.  Nor  is  there  need  of  a  tribunal 
in  a  point  so  evident  as  this,  that  the  peace  was 
made  one  month  before  these  places  were  seized. 

He  asserts  that  he  hath  returned  all  your  prison- 
ers that  were  taken.  Yet  there  was  one  prisoner, 
a  man  of  Carystus,  bound  to  this  city  by  all  the 


220  The  World's  Orators 

strictest  ties,  for  whose  liberty  we  sent  no  less  than 
three  deputations.  Such  was  Philip's  desire  to 
oblige  us,  that  he  put  this  man  to  death,  nay, 
refused  to  restore  his  body  for  interment. 

It  is  also  worthy  of  attention  to  consider  what 
was  the  language  of  his  letters  with  respect  to  the 
Chersonesus,  and  to  compare  it  with  his  present 
actions.  All  that  district  which  lies  beyond  the 
forum  he  claims  as  his  own,  in  defiance  of  our  pre- 
tensions, and  hath  given  the  possession  to  Apol- 
lonides  the  Cardian  ;  and  yet  the  Chersonesus  is 
bounded,  not  by  the  forum,  but  by  the  altar  of 
Jupiter  of  the  Mountain,  which  lies  in  midway 
between  the  elm  and  the  chalky  shore,  where  the 
line  was  traced  for  cutting  through  the  Cherson- 
esus. This  is  evident  from  the  inscription  on  the 
altar  of  Jupiter  of  the  Mountain,  which  is  in  these 
terms : 

"  Here  Jove's  fair  altar,  rais'd  by  pious  hands, 
Adorns  at  once  and  marks  the  neighboring  lands  ; 
On  this  side,  lo  !  yon  chalky  cliffs  display'd  ; 
On  that,  the  elm  extends  its  awful  shade  ; 
While,  in  midway,  even  Heaven's  great  monarch  deigns 
To  point  the  bound'ries  and  divide  the  plains." 

This  district,  then,  whose  extent  is  known  to 
many  in  this  assembly,  he  claims  as  his  property  ; 
part  of  it  he  himself  enjoys,  the  rest  he  gives  to  his 
creatures ;  and  thus  he  deprives  us  of  our  most 
valuable  possessions.     But  he  is  not  content  with 


On  the  Halonnesus       ^  221 

wresting  from  us  all  the  lands  which  lie  beyond 
the  forum  ;  his  letter  directs  us  to  come  to  a  judi- 
cial decision  of  any  controversy  we  may  have  with 
the  Cardians  who  lie  on  this  side  of  the  forum — 
with  the  Cardians,  1  say,  who  have  presumed  to 
settle  in  our  lands.  We  have  indeed  a  controversy 
with  these  men,  and  judge  ye  whether  the  subject 
be  inconsiderable.  The  lands  vv^here  they  have 
settled  they  claim  as  their  just  property,  and  deny 
our  title.  The  lands  that  we  enjoy  they  declare 
are  unlawfully  usurped ;  that  they  themselves 
are  the  rightful  proprietors  ;  and  that  their  right 
was  acknowledged  by  a  decree  proposed  by  your 
own  citizen  Calippus,  of  the  Paenean  tribe.  He  did 
indeed  propose  such  a  decree,  for  which  he  was 
by  me  impeached  of  an  illegal  proceeding ;  but 
you  suffered  him  to  escape,  and  thus  was  your 
title  to  these  lands  rendered  disputable  and  preca- 
rious. But  if  you  can  submit  to  a  judicial  decision 
of  your  disputes  with  the  Cardians,  what  should 
prevent  the  other  inhabitants  of  the  Chersonesus 
from  demanding  the  like  trial  ? 

With  such  insolence  doth  he  treat  you,  that  he 
presumes  to  say,  that  if  the  Cardians  refuse  to  be 
determined  by  a  judicial  process,  he  will  compel 
them  ;  as  if  we  were  not  able  to  compel  even  the 
Cardians  to  do  us  justice.  An  extraordinary  in- 
stance this  of  his  regard  to  Athens  ! 

Yet  there  are  men  among  you  who  declare  that 


222  The  World's  Orators 

this  letter  is  very  reasonable — men  much  more  de- 
serving of  your  abhorrence  than  Philip.  His  oppo- 
sition to  this  State  is  actuated  by  the  love  of  glory 
and  power ;  but  citizens  of  Athens  who  devote 
themselves,  not  to  their  country,  but  to  Philip, 
should  feel  that  vengeance  which  it  must  be  your 
part  to  inflict  with  all  severity,  unless  your  brains 
have  forsaken  your  heads  and  descended  to  your 
heels.  It  remains  that  I  propose  such  an  answer 
to  this  so  reasonable  letter,  and  to  the  declarations 
of  the  ambassadors,  as  may  be  just  and  advan- 
tageous to  the  State. 

Translated  by  Thomas  Leland,  D.D. 


DEMOSTHENES 

Demosthenes,  of  the  deme  of  Paeania,  in  the  tribe  Pandionis, 
was  born  probably  in  383  b.c.  Having  lost  his  father,  Demos- 
thenes, a  citizen  of  rank  and  opulence,  at  the  early  age  of 
seven,  he  was  defrauded  by  his  guardians  of  the  greater  part 
of  his  paternal  inheritance.  At  sixteen  his  ambition  was  in- 
flamed by  hearing  a  trial  in  which  Callistratus,  a  celebrated 
orator,  won  an  important  case.  He  forthwith  determined  to 
devote  himself  to  the  study  of  eloquence,  and  chose  Isaeus  as 
his  preceptor.  At  the  age  of  seventeen  he  appeared  before  the 
public  tribunals,  arguing  his  own  cause  against  his  faithless 
guardians.  In  this  he  came  off  triumphant.  But  when  he 
made  his  first  attempt  to  speak  before  the  assembly  he  was 
ridiculed  and  interrupted  by  the  clamor  of  his  audience.  His 
stammering  voice,  his  want  of  breath,  his  ungraceful  gestures, 
and  his  confused  sentences  brought  upon  him  general  de- 
rision. Some  among  his  auditors,  however,  perceived  in  his 
speech  the  marks  of  genius  and  rightly  attributed  his  failure 
to  timidity  and  imperfect  enunciation.  Encouraged  by  these, 
Demosthenes  shortly  afterward  withdrew  from  public  life  and 
devoted  himself  with  untiring  perseverance  to  remedy  his  de- 
fects, which  were  chiefly  a  weak  voice,  imperfect  articulation, 
and  ungraceful  gesture.  He  received  valuable  instruction 
from  Satyrus,  the  actor.  He  studied  carefully  the  best  models, 
and  is  said  to  have  copied  the  history  of  Thucydides  no  fewer 
than  eight  times.  He  is  also  said  to  have  shut  himself  up  in 
a  subterranean  chamber  to  practise  declamation  and  compo- 
sition, and  various  other  stories  are  told  of  his  assiduous 
perseverance.  At  last  his  efforts  were  crowned  with  success, 
and  he  became  the  greatest  of  Grecian  orators. 

It  is  chiefly  in  connection  with  the  career  of  Philip  of 
Macedon  that  we  are  to  view  Demosthenes  as  statesman  and 
orator.     He  penetrated  the  sinister  designs  of  that  ambitious 

223 


2  24  The  World's  Orators 

monarch  from  the  very  outset,  and  he  resolved  to  counteract 
them.  His  whole  political  career  may  in  fact  be  summed  up 
as  an  unceasing  contest  against  Philip.  For  fourteen  years  he 
kept  up  the  unequal  conflict,  and  met  the  enemy  of  Athens  and 
Greece  at  every  point — a  period  which  constitutes  the  brightest 
chapter  in  the  history  of  Demosthenes.  At  length  the  crisis 
came.  In  the  year  338  B.C.  the  battle  of  Chaeronea  was  fought 
by  the  Athenian  and  Theban  forces  against  the  forces  of  Mace- 
don,  The  Macedonians  were  victorious,  and  Grecian  liberty, 
and  with  it  Grecian  eloquence,  received  its  death-blow. 
But  though  defeated,  the  Athenians  were  not  forgetful  of  the 
services  of  their  greatest  statesman.  Athens  decreed  him 
a  crown  of  gold.  The  reward  was  opposed  by  ^schines. 
The  famous  prosecution  was  commenced  about  338  B.C.,  but 
the  trial  was  delayed  eight  years.  At  length  it  came  on. 
Spectators  gathered  from  all  parts  of  Greece  to  hear  the 
greatest  combat  of  eloquence  that  the  world  has  ever  wit- 
nessed. The  harangue  of  y^schines  was  powerful  and  sar- 
castic. But  Demosthenes  was  irresistible,  and  bore  his  enemy 
down,  y^schines  did  not  receive  a  fifth  part  of  the  votes  of 
the  judges  and  was  compelled  to  retire  into  exile.  Demos- 
thenes' victory  was  short-lived.  Soon  after,  accused  of 
having  received  a  bribe  from  Harpalus,  the  fugitive  Macedon- 
ian treasurer,  he  was  convicted  and  fled  to  i^gina.  In  ^2}  b.c, 
after  the  death  of  Alexander,  he  was  recalled  from  banish- 
ment, and  his  entry  into  Athens  was  marked  by  the  most  joy- 
ous demonstrations.  Later  the  Macedonian  party  became 
again  triumphant,  and  the  death  of  the  orator  was  decreed  by 
Antipater.  He  fled  to  the  island  of  Celauria,  and  being  still 
pursued  by  his  enemies,  there  terminated  his  life  by  poison,  in 
the  temple  of  Poseidon,  at  the  age  of  about  sixty  years,  in 

}22  B.C. 

Sixty-one  speeches  have  come  down  to  us  ascribed  to  De- 
mosthenes, of  which  about  one  half  are  spurious.  The 
genuine  speeches  may  be  divided  into  two  classes  : 

(i)  Deliberative  discourses,  treating  of  political  topics  and 
delivered  either  before  the  Senate  or  the  assembly  of  the 
people. 


Demosthenes  225 

(2)  Judicial  speeches,  having  for  their  subject  accusation  or 
defence. 

Of  the  first  class,  the  most  important  are  : 

1.  On  the  Navy  Boards,  the  first  political  harangue  of  which 

we  have  a  record.  The  question  under  immediate  dis- 
cussion was  war  with  Persia,  with  which  Demosthenes 
connects  a  measure  for  the  reform  of  the  navy,  whence 
the  speech  derives  its  title. 

2.  The  First  Philippic.     Here  Demosthenes  exhorts  his  fel- 

low-citizens to  be  watchful  of  the  encroachments  of 
Philip,  and  to  prosecute  the  war  against  him  with  the 
greatest  vigor, 

3.  The  Three  Olynthiac  Orations.     The  object  in  view  in 

these  speeches  is  to  stimulate  the  Athenians  to  succor 
Olynthus,  and  prevent  its  falling  into  the  hands  of 
Philip. 

4.  The  Second   Philippic,  pronounced   after   Demosthenes 

had  returned  from  the  Peloponnesus,  where  he  had 
negotiated  peace  between  Sparta  and  Messenia.  De- 
mosthenes here  exhibits  the  true  relation  of  Philip  to 
Athens  and  to  Greece. 

5.  On  the  Chersonese,  in  which  Demosthenes  insists  upon 

the  importance  of  keeping  a  firm  grasp  on  the  Cher- 
sonese,— perhaps  the  most  perfect  of  all  the  delibera- 
tive harangues  of  Demosthenes. 

6.  The  Third  Philippic,  usually  regarded  as  the  greatest  of 

the  popular  speeches  of  Demosthenes.     Apprehensive 
of  the  progress  which  Philip  had  made  in  Thrace, 
Demosthenes  proposes  that  Athens  should  arm  herself 
and  head  an  Hellenic  league. 
Of  the  second  class — the  judicial  or  forensic  speeches — we 
must  distinguish  between  those  which  refer  to  affairs  con- 
nected with   the  State  and  those  which  relate  to  individual 
interests.     Of  the   first   species  the  most   important  is  the 
oration  On  the  Crown. 

The  second  species  of  this  class  constitutes  what  are  known 
as  the  Private  Orations  of  Demosthenes.  Of  these  there  are 
thirty  in  the  Canon,  of  which  fifteen  are  probably  genuine. 

VOL.  1.-15. 


2  26  The  World's  Orators 

For  the  life  of  Demosthenes  the  reader  is  referred  to  Scha- 
fer's  Demosthenes  und  seine  Zeii  (2d  ed.,  Berlin,  1882)  ;  and 
for  an  exhaustive  literary  criticism  to  Blass'  Attische  Bered- 
samkeit  (2d  ed.,  1893),  Butcher's  Demosthenes  in  the  Classical 
Writers  Series  (1882)  is  the  best  popular  account  of  the  orator 
and  his  works.  The  standard  text  is  that  of  Dindorf  revised 
by  Blass  (Teubner,  1887-89). 

Good  annotated  editions  of  the  various  orations,  which  are 
here  presented  in  translation,  are  as  follows  :  On  the  Crown, 
Drake,  London,  1866,  containing  also  the  oration  of  ^schines, 
Blass,  Leipzig,  1890  ;  of  the  Olynthiacs  and  Philippics,  Ab- 
bott and  Matheson,  Oxford,  1892, 

The  best  English  translation  of  the  whole  of  Demosthenes  is 
that  of  Kennedy  in  five  volumes  (London,  1852-63)  ;  the  best 
translation  of  the  Orations  on  Occasions  of  Public  Delibera- 
tion, including  kindred  orations  of  y^schines,  Hegesippus,  and 
Deinarchus,  is  that  of  Thomas  Leland,  D.D.,  which  is  adopted 
in  this  volume  ;  excellent  translations  of  the  oration  On  the 
Crown  are  those  of  Lord  Brougham  and  of  Simpson. 


ON  THE  NAVY   BOARDS 

Demosthenes. 

This  speech  is  of  importance  as  the  first  political  harangue  of  Demosthenes  of 
which  we  have  any  record,  and  in  consequence  it  is  the  beginning  of  the  extant 
literature  of  Attic  Political  Oratory.  It  was  delivered  by  Demosthenes  in  the 
assembly  at  the  age  of  thirty.  The  question  under  immediate  discussion  was  a 
rumored  invasion  of  Greece  by  the  King  of  Persia.  Demosthenes  connects 
with  it  a  measure  for  the  reform  of  the  navy,  which  gives  the  title  to  the  oration. 
In  it  we  mark  the  beginnings  of  Demosthenes'  foreign  policy.  His  long  study  of 
Thucydides  has  left  its  manifest  mark  on  his  style. 

THE  men  who  thus  dwell  on  the  praises  of  your 
ancestors  seem  to  me,  ye  men  of  Athens,  to 
have  chosen  a  subject  fitted  rather  to  gratify  the 
assembly  than  to  do  the  due  honor  to  those  on 
whom  they  lavish  their  applause.  As  they  attempt 
to  speak  of  actions  which  no  words  can  worthily 
describe,  the  illustrious  subject  adorns  their  speech 
and  gives  them  the  praise  of  eloquence ;  while 
their  hearers  are  made  to  think  of  the  virtues  of 
those  heroes  with  much  less  elevation  than  these 
virtues  of  themselves  inspire.  To  me,  time  itself 
seems  to  be  the  noblest  witness  to  their  glory.  A 
series  of  so  many  years  hath  now  passed  over,  and 
still  no  men  have  yet  appeared  whose  actions  could 

surpass  those  patterns  of  perfection.     It  shall  be 

227 


228  The  World's  Orators 

my  part,  therefore,  solely  to  endeavor  to  point  out 
the  means  which  may  enable  you  most  effectually 
to  prepare  for  war ;  for,  in  fact,  were  all  our 
speakers  to  proceed  in  a  pompous  display  of  their 
abilities,  such  parade  and  ostentation  could  not 
possibly  prove  of  the  least  advantage  to  the  public  ; 
but  if  any  man  whatever  will  appear,  and  can  ex- 
plain to  your  full  satisfaction  what  kind  of  arma- 
ment, how  great,  and  how  supported,  may  serve 
the  present  exigencies  of  the  State,  then  all  these 
alarms  must  instantly  be  dispelled.  This  I  shall 
endeavor  to  the  utmost  of  my  abilities,  having  first 
briefly  declared  my  opinion  of  our  situation  with 
respect  to  the  King. 

I  do  regard  the  King  as  the  common  enemy  of  all 
the  Greeks  ;  but  I  cannot  for  that  reason  advise  that 
we  should  be  the  only  people  to  undertake  a 
war  against  him  ;  for  I  do  not  find  the  Greeks  them- 
selves united  to  each  other  in  sincere  affection : 
nay,  some  among  them  seem  to  have  more  con- 
fidence in  him  than  in  certain  of  their  own  body. 
In  such  circumstances  I  account  it  of  the  utmost 
moment  that  we  should  be  strictly  attentive  to  the 
origin  of  this  war,  that  it  may  be  free  from  every 
imputation  of  injustice.  Let  our  armament  be 
carried  on  with  vigor ;  but  let  us  carefully  adhere 
to  the  principles  of  equity  ;  for,  in  my  opinion, 
Athenians,  the  States  of  Greece  (if  it  be  once 
evident  and  incontestable  that  the  King  makes 


Moiiiiment  of  Lysicrates  or  Lvitt'iii  of 
Diiuosthcih's. 


On  the  Navy  Boards  229 

attempts  against  them)  will  instantly  unite  and 
express  the  most  ardent  gratitude  to  those  who 
arose  before  them,  who,  with  them,  still  stand 
faithfully  and  bravely  to  repel  these  attempts.  But 
while  this  is  yet  uncertain,  should  you  begin 
hostilities,  I  fear  we  may  be  obliged  to  fight  against 
an  enemy  reinforced  by  those  very  men  for  whose 
interest  we  were  so  forward  to  express  our  zeal. 
Yes !  he  will  suspend  his  designs  (if  he  hath  really 
designs  against  the  Greeks)  :  his  gold  will  be  dis- 
persed liberally  among  them  ;  his  promises  of 
friendship  will  be  lavished  on  them  ;  while  they, 
distressed  in  their  private  wars,  and  attentive  only 
to  support  them,  will  disregard  the  general  welfare 
of  the  nation. 

Into  such  confusion,  into  such  weak  measures  let 
us  not  precipitate  the  State.  With  respect  to  the 
King,  you  cannot  pursue  the  same  counsels  with 
some  others  of  the  Greeks.  Of  these  many  might, 
without  the  charge  of  inconsistency,  neglect  the 
rest  of  Greece,  while  engaged  in  the  pursuit  of 
private  interest ;  but  of  you  it  would  be  unworthy, 
even  though  directly  injured,  to  inflict  so  severe  a 
punishment  on  the  guilty  as  to  abandon  them  to 
the  power  of  the  barbarian. 

Thus  are  we  circumstanced  ;  and  let  us  then  be 
careful  that  we  do  not  engage  in  this  war  upon  un- 
equal terms ;  that  he  whom  we  suppose  to  entertain 
designs  against  the  Greeks  may  not  recommend 


230  The  World's  Orators 

himself  to  their  confidence  so  as  to  be  deemed 
their  friend.  And  how  shall  these  things  be 
effected  ?  By  giving  public  proof  that  the  forces 
of  this  State  are  well  appointed,  and  complete  for 
action  ;  but  that  in  this  our  procedure  we  are  de- 
termined to  adhere  inviolably  to  justice. 

Let  the  bold  and  hazardous,  who  are  vehement 
in  urging  you  to  war,  attend  to  this.  It  is  not  diffi- 
cult, when  an  assembly  is  convened,  to  acquire  the 
reputation  of  courage  :  no  ;  nor  when  dangers  are 
actually  impending  to  speak  with  an  impassioned 
boldness  ;  but  it  is  truly  difficult,  and  it  is  our  duty 
in  the  time  of  danger,  to  support  the  character  of 
superior  bravery  ;  in  our  councils,  to  display  the 
same  superiority  of  wisdom. 

1,  on  my  part,  ye  men  of  Athens,  think  that  a 
war  with  the  King  may  prove  dangerous ;  in  a 
battle,  the  consequence  of  such  a  war,  I  see  no 
danger.  And  why  ?  Because  wars  of  every  kind 
require  many  advantages  of  naval  force,  of  money, 
and  of  places.  Here  he  is  superior  to  the  State. 
In  a  battle,  nothing  is  so  necessary  to  ensure  success 
as  valiant  troops  ;  and  of  these  we  and  our  con- 
federates can  boast  the  greater  number.  For  this 
reason  I  earnestly  recommend  to  you  by  no  means 
to  be  the  first  to  enter  on  a  war ;  but  for  an  engage- 
ment I  think  you  should  be  effectually  prepared. 
Were  there  one  method  of  preparing  to  oppose 
barbarians,  and  another  for  engaging  with  Greeks, 


On  the  Navy  Boards  231 

then  we  might  expect  with  reason  that  any  hostile 
intentions  against  the  Persian  must  be  at  once  dis- 
covered ;  but  as  in  every  armament  the  manner  is 
the  same,  the  general  provisions  equally  the  same, 
whether  our  enemies  are  to  be  attacked,  or  our 
allies  to  be  protected  and  our  rights  defended  ; 
why,  when  we  have  avowed  enemies,  should  we 
seek  for  others  ?  Shall  we  not  prepare  against  the 
one,  and  be  ready  to  oppose  the  other,  should  he 
attempt  to  injure  us  ?  Call  now  on  the  Greeks  to 
unite  with  you.  But  suppose  you  should  not 
readily  concur  with  them  in  all  their  measures  (as 
some  are  by  no  means  favorably  inclined  to  this 
State),  can  it  be  imagined  that  they  will  obey  your 
summons  ?  "  Certainly  ;  for  we  shall  convince 
them  that  the  King  forms  designs  against  their  in- 
terests which  they  do  not  foresee."  Ye  powers ! 
is  it  possible  that  you  can  be  thus  persuaded  ? 
Yes  ;  1  know  you  are  :  but  whatever  apprehensions 
you  may  raise,  they  must  influence  these  Greeks 
less  forcibly  than  their  disputes  with  you  and  with 
each  other ;  and  therefore  the  remonstrances  of  your 
ambassadors  will  but  appear  like  the  tales  of  idle 
wanderers.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  you  pursue  the 
measures  now  proposed,  there  is  not  a  single  State 
of  Greece  that  will  hesitate  a  moment  to  come  in 
and  to  solicit  your  alliance  when  they  see  our 
thousand  horse,  our  infantry  as  numerous  as  could 
be  wished,  our  three  hundred  ships  ;  an  armament 


232  The  World's  Orators 

which  they  must  regard  as  their  surest  refuge  and 
defence.  Should  you  apply  for  their  assistance,  you 
must  appear  as  supplicants  ;  should  they  refuse  it, 
you  incur  the  shame  of  a  repulse  ;  but  if,  while  your 
forces  are  completed,  you  suspend  your  operations, 
the  protection  you  then  grant  to  them  must  appear 
as  the  consequence  of  their  request ;  and  be  assured 
they  will  all  fly  to  you  for  this  protection. 

With  these  and  the  like  reflections  deeply  im- 
pressed on  my  mind,  I  have  not  labored  to  prepare 
a  bold,  vain,  tedious  harangue.  No,  my  fellow- 
citizens  I  our  preparations  have  been  the  sole  object 
of  my  thoughts,  and  the  manner  of  conducting 
them  with  effect  and  expedition.  Grant  me  your 
attention,  and  if  my  sentiments  be  approved,  con- 
firm them  by  your  voices. 

It  is,  then,  the  first  and  most  important  part  of 
preparation  to  possess  your  minds  with  due  resolu- 
tion, so  that  every  citizen  when  called  to  action 
may  exert  himself  with  alacrity  and  zeal.  You 
know  that  in  every  instance  where,  having  first 
resolved  on  your  designs  in  concert,  every  single 
member  deemed  it  incumbent  on  him  to  labor  vig- 
orously in  the  execution,  you  have  never  once 
proved  unsuccessful ;  but  whenever  we  have  first 
decreed,  and  then  each  man  hath  turned  his  eyes 
on  others,  fondly  imagining  that  he  himself  need 
not  act,  that  his  neighbor  would  do  all,  our  designs 
have  never  once  been  executed. 


On  the  Navy  Boards  233 

With  these  sentiments,  and  these  vigorous  reso- 
lutions, I  recommend  that  you  should  proceed  to 
the  appointment  of  your  twelve  hundred,  and  raise 
them  to  two  thousand,  by  a  further  addition  of 
eight  hundred.  Thus,  when  all  necessary  deduc- 
tions are  made  of  those  who  by  their  condition  are 
excused  from  contributing,  or  by  any  circumstances 
are  unable  to  contribute,  still  the  original  number 
of  twelve  hundred  will  remain  complete.  These  I 
would  have  formed  into  twenty  classes,  each  con- 
sisting of  sixty  citizens  agreeably  to  the  present 
constitution.  And  it  is  my  opinion,  that  of  these 
classes  each  should  be  divided  into  five  parts,  con- 
sisting of  twelve  persons,  ever  attending  to  a  just 
and  equal  distribution  of  the  richer  with  the  poorer. 
Thus  should  our  citizens  be  arranged  :  the  reason 
will  appear  when  the  whole  scheme  of  the  regula- 
tion hath  been  explained. 

But  our  ships  ;  how  are  they  to  be  appointed  ? 
Let  their  whole  number  be  fixed  at  three  hundred, 
divided  by  fifteenth  parts  into  twenty  portions. 
Of  the  first  hundred  let  five  such  parts ;  of  the 
second  hundred,  five  parts  ;  and  of  the  third  hun- 
dred, five  be  appointed  to  each  class.  Thus  shall 
a  fifteenth  of  the  whole  be  allotted  to  every  class : 
three  ships  to  each  subdivision. 

When  these  establishments  are  made,  1  propose, 
as  the  revenue  arising  from  our  lands  amounts  to 
six  thousand  talents,  that  in  order  to  have  our 


234  The  World's  Orators 

funds  duly  regulated,  this  sum  may  be  divided  into 
a  hundred  parts  of  sixty  talents  each  ;  that  five  of 
these  parts  may  be  assigned  to  each  of  the  twenty 
great  classes ;  which  may  thus  give  severally  to 
each  of  their  divisions  a  single  part  of  sixty  talents. 
So  that,  if  we  should  have  occasion  for  a  hundred 
ships,  sixty  talents  may  be  granted  to  each,  and 
twelve  trierarchs ;  if  for  two  hundred,  there  may 
be  thirty  talents  assigned,  and  six  trierarchs  to 
each  ;  if  for  three  hundred,  twenty  talents  may  be 
supplied  for  each,  and  four  trierarchs. 

In  like  manner,  my  fellow-citizens,  on  a  due  esti- 
mate of  the  stores  necessary  for  our  ships,  1  propose 
that,  agreeably  to  the  present  scheme,  they  should 
be  divided  into  twenty  parts ;  that  one  good  and 
effectual  part  should  be  assigned  to  each  of  the 
great  classes,  to  be  distributed  among  the  small 
divisions  in  the  just  proportions.  Let  the  twelve, 
in  every  such  division,  demand  their  respective 
shares  ;  and  let  them  have  those  ships  which  it  is 
their  lot  to  provide  thoroughly  and  expeditiously 
equipped.  Thus  may  our  supplies,  our  ships,  our 
trierarchs,  our  stores,  be  best  provided  and  sup- 
plied. And  now  1  am  to  lay  before  you  a  plain  and 
easy  method  of  completing  this  scheme. 

I  say,  then,  that  your  generals  should  proceed  to 
mark  out  ten  dock-yards,  as  contiguous  as  may  be 
to  each  other,  and  capable  of  containing  thirty 
vessels  each.    When  this  is  done,  they  should 


On  the  Navy  Boards  235 

assign  two  classes  and  thirty  ships  to  each  of 
these  docks.  Among  these  also  they  should  divide 
the  tribes  and  the  respective  trierarchs;  so  that 
two  classes,  thirty  ships,  and  one  tribe  may  be 
assigned  to  each.  Let  then  each  tribe  divide  its 
allotted  station  into  three  parts,  and  the  ships  in 
like  manner.  Let  these  third  parts  be  distributed 
by  lot.  Thus  shall  one  tribe  preside  over  one  en- 
tire division  of  your  shipping,  and  each  third  of  a 
tribe  take  care  of  one  third  of  such  division  ;  and 
thus  shall  you  know  at  all  times,  first,  where  each 
tribe  is  stationed  ;  then,  where  each  third ;  then, 
who  are  the  trierarchs  ;  and,  lastly,  the  number  of 
your  ships.  Let  affairs  be  once  set  in  motion  after 
this  manner ;  and  if  anything  hath  been  omitted 
(as  it  is  by  no  means  easy  to  provide  accurately 
for  every  circumstance),  the  execution  will  itself 
discover  it ;  and  thus  may  your  whole  marine  and 
all  its  several  parts  be  uniformly  and  exactly  regu- 
lated. 

And  now,  as  to  money,  as  to  any  immediate 
supplies ;  sensible  as  I  am  that  the  opinion  I  am 
now  to  declare  must  appear  extraordinary,  yet  I 
will  declare  it ;  for  I  trust,  that  when  duly  weighed 
it  will  be  found  the  only  one  which  reason  can 
recommend,  and  which  must  be  approved  by  the 
event.  I  say,  then,  that  at  this  time  we  should  not 
speak  at  all  of  money :  we  have  a  fund,  if  occa- 
sions call  for  it — a  great  and  honorable,  and  an 


236  The  World's  Orators 

equitable  fund.  Should  you  attempt  to  raise  it 
now,  far  from  succeeding  in  such  an  attempt,  you 
could  not  depend  on  gaining  it  when  really  wanted; 
but  suspend  your  inquiries,  and  you  will  secure  it. 
What  fund  is  this  which  now  hath  no  being,  yet 
will  be  found  hereafter  ?  This  appears  a  kind  of 
mystery,  but  I  shall  explain  it.  Cast  your  eyes 
round  through  all  this  city.  Within  these  walls, 
Athenians,  there  are  treasures — I  had  almost  said, 
equal  to  those  of  all  other  States.  But  such  is  the 
disposition  of  their  possessors,  that  if  all  our 
speakers  were  to  rise  with  the  most  alarming  dec- 
larations, "  that  the  King  was  marching  against  us  ; 
that  he  was  at  our  gates  ;  that  the  danger  did  not 
admit  of  any  possibility  of  doubt ;  " — if  with  these 
speakers  as  many  ministers  of  heaven  were  to  rise, 
and  pronounce  the  same  declarations  as  the  warn- 
ing of  the  gods,  so  far  would  these  men  be  from 
contributing,  that  they  would  not  even  discover 
their  riches  ;  they  would  not  acknowledge  the  pos- 
session of  them.  But  should  it  once  appear  that 
all  those  dangers  denounced  with  so  much  terror 
were  really  and  in  fact  impending,  where  is  the 
wretch  that  would  not  give  freely,  that  would  not 
urge  to  be  admitted  to  contribute  ?  For  who 
would  choose  to  abandon  his  life  and  fortune  to 
the  fury  of  an  enemy  rather  than  give  up  a  small 
portion  of  his  abundance  for  the  safety  of  himself 
and  all  the  rest  of  his  possessions  ?    Thus  shall  we 


On  the  Navy  Boards  237 

find  treasures  when  occasions  really  demand  them, 
but  not  till  then.  Let  us  not,  therefore,  inquire  for 
them  now.  Suppose  that  we  were  now  strictly  to 
exact  the  subsidies  from  all  our  citizens,  the  utmost 
we  should  raise  would  be  more  contemptible  than 
none.  Imagine  the  experiment  made :  it  is  pro- 
posed to  exact  a  hundredth  part  of  the  revenue 
arising  from  our  lands.  Well,  then,  this  makes  just 
sixty  talents.  "Nay,  but  we  will  raise  a  fiftieth 
part."  This  doubles  the  sum  ;  we  have  then  one 
hundred  and  twenty  talents.  But  what  is  this  to 
those  hundreds  or  those  thousands  of  camels 
which,  they  assure  us,  are  employed  to  carry  the 
King's  money  ?  But  suppose  it  were  agreed  to  raise 
a  twelfth  part,  amounting  to  five  hundred  talents. 
This,  in  the  first  place,  would  be  too  great  a  burden, 
and,  if  imposed,  still  the  fund  produced  would  be 
insufficient  for  the  war.  Let,  then,  all  our  other 
preparations  be  completed  ;  but  as  to  money,  let  the 
possessors  keep  it,  and  never  can  they  keep  it  for 
a  nobler  public  service.  When  their  country  calls 
for  it,  then  shall  they  freely  and  zealously  contribute. 
This,  my  fellow-citizens,  is  a  practical  scheme — 
a  scheme  highly  honorable  and  advantageous, 
worthy  of  this,  to  be  reported  to  the  King,  and 
which  must  strike  him  with  no  small  terror.  He 
knows,  that  by  three  hundred  vessels,  of  which 
one  hundred  only  were  supplied  by  us,  his  ances- 
tors lost  a  thousand  ships.     He  will  hear  that  now 


238  The  World's  Orators 

we  have  ourselves  equipped  three  hundred.  He 
cannot  then — if  he  hath  not  lost  all  reason — he 
cannot  deem  it  a  trivial  matter  to  make  this  State 
his  enemy.  If  from  a  dependence  on  his  treasures 
he  is  tempted  to  entertain  proud  thoughts,  he  will 
find  this  but  a  vain  dependence  when  compared 
with  your  resources.  They  tell  us  he  is  coming 
with  heaps  of  gold,  but  when  these  are  once  dis- 
persed he  must  look  for  new  supplies.  Not  the 
richest  streams,  not  the  deepest  sources  but  must 
at  length  be  totally  exhausted  when  we  copiously 
and  constantly  drain  away  their  waters.  But  we, 
he  will  be  told,  have  a  perpetual  resource  in  our 
lands — a  fund  of  six  thousand  talents.  And  with 
what  spirit  we  defend  these  lands  against  invaders, 
his  ancestors  who  fought  at  Marathon  could  best 
inform  him.  Let  us  continue  to  conquer,  and  our 
treasures  cannot  ever  fail. 

Nor  yet  do  I  think  their  terrors  justly  founded 
who  apprehend  that  he  may  employ  his  gold  in 
raising  a  large  army  of  mercenaries.  I  do  indeed 
believe  that  in  an  expedition  against  Egypt,  against 
Orontes,  or  any  of  the  other  barbarians,  there  are 
many  of  the  Greeks  that  would  gladly  receive  his 
pay,  not  from  any  zeal  for  aggrandizing  him,  but 
each  in  order  to  obtain  such  a  supply  as  might 
relieve  their  present  necessities.  But  1  never  can 
persuade  myself  that  any  one  Greek  would  assist 
him  to  conquer  Greece.    Whither  should  he  turn 


On  the  Navy  Boards  239 

after  such  an  event  ?  Would  he  go  and  be  a  slave 
in  Phrygia  ?  He  must  know^  that  when  we  take 
up  arms  against  the  barbarian,  we  take  them  up 
for  our  country,  for  our  lives,  for  our  customs,  for 
our  liberty,  and  all  such  sacred  rights.  Who, 
then,  could  be  so  base  as  to  sacrifice  himself,  his 
parents,  the  sepulchres  of  his  ancestors,  his  country 
to  a  trifling  pittance  ?    Surely,  no  man. 

Nor  is  it  the  interest  of  the  Persian  that  his 
mercenaries  should  subdue  the  Greeks ;  for  they 
who  can  conquer  us  must  first  prove  superior  to 
him.  And  it  is  by  no  means  his  scheme,  by 
destroying  us,  to  lose  his  own  empire.  His 
wishes  are  to  command  all ;  if  this  cannot  be 
obtained,  at  least  he  would  secure  his  power  over 
his  own  slaves. 

If,  then,  it  be  imagined  that  the  Thebans  will 
unite  with  him,  it  is  a  hard  part  to  speak  of  Thebes 
in  this  assembly  ;  for  such  is  your  aversion  to  this 
people,  that  you  will  not  hear  the  voice  of  truth 
itself  if  it  seems  at  all  to  favor  them.  However,  it 
is  the  duty  of  those  who  debate  on  great  affairs  by 
no  means,  and  on  no  pretence  whatever,  to  sup- 
press any  argument  which  may  prove  of  use.  1 
say,  then,  that  so  far  are  the  Thebans  from  ever  at 
any  time  uniting  with  the  King  against  the  Greeks, 
that  they  would  freely  give  the  greatest  treasures, 
were  they  possessed  of  them,  to  purchase  a  fair 
occasion  of  atoning  for  their  ancient  errors  with 


240  The  World's  Orators 

respect  to  Greece.  But  let  the  Thebans  be  ever  so 
unhappily  disposed,  still  we  must  all  be  sensible, 
that  if  they  unite  with  him,  their  enemies  must 
necessarily  unite  with  the  Greeks.  And  I  trust 
that  the  cause  of  justice,  and  the  friends  to  this 
cause  will  ever  prove  superior  to  traitors  and  to  all 
the  force  of  the  barbarian.  Let  us  not,  then,  yield 
to  these  extravagant  alarms,  nor  rashly  brave  all 
consequences  by  being  first  to  take  up  arms. 

Nor  do  I  think  that  any  other  of  the  Grecian 
States  should  look  on  this  war  with  terror.  Is  there 
a  man  among  them  who  is  not  sensible,  that  while 
they  regarded  the  Persian  as  their  common  enemy, 
and  maintained  a  firm  union  with  each  other,  their 
fortune  was  completely  happy  ;  but  when,  by  a 
fatal  reliance  on  his  friendship,  they  were  betrayed 
into  contests  and  dissensions  among  themselves, 
their  calamities  were  so  great  as  to  exceed  all  the 
imprecations  which  the  most  inveterate  malice 
could  invent  ?  And  shall  that  man,  whom  fortune, 
whom  Heaven  itself  pronounces  as  a  friend  un- 
profitable, as  an  enemy  of  advantage — shall  he,  I 
say,  be  feared  ?  By  no  means.  Yet  let  us  have 
the  due  regard  to  ourselves  ;  let  us  have  the  due 
attention  to  the  disorders  and  suspicions  of  the 
rest  of  Greece  ;  and  let  us  not  incur  the  charge  of 
injustice.  Could  we,  indeed,  with  all  the  Greeks 
united  firmly  on  our  side,  attack  him  single  and 
unsupported,  I  would  not  then  suppose  that  you 


On  the  Navy  Boards  241 

could  be  charged  with  injustice.  But,  as  this  is 
not  to  be  expected,  let  us  be  cautious  ;  let  us 
afford  him  no  pretence  of  appearing  to  assert  the 
rights  of  the  other  Greeks.  If  we  continue  quiet, 
his  applications  to  them  will  be  suspicious  ;  if  we 
are  the  first  to  take  up  arms,  he  will  seem  justified 
by  our  hostilities  in  his  attempts  to  gain  their 
friendship. 

Do  not,  then,  discover  to  the  world  the  mel- 
ancholy state  of  Greece,  by  inviting  those  to  an 
alliance  whom  you  cannot  gain,  and  by  engaging 
in  a  war  which  you  cannot  support.  Be  quiet, 
be  resolute  ;  be  prepared.  Let  not  the  emissaries 
of  Persia  report  to  their  King  that  Greece  and 
Athens  are  distracted  in  their  councils,  are  con- 
founded by  their  fears,  are  torn  by  dissensions. 
No ;  let  them  rather  tell  him,  that  if  it  were  not 
equally  shameful  for  the  Greeks  to  violate  their 
honor  and  their  oaths  as  it  is  to  him  matter  of 
triumph,  they  would  have  long  since  marched 
against  him,  and  that  if  you  now  do  not  march  you 
are  restrained  solely  by  a  regard  to  your  own 
dignity  ;  that  it  is  your  prayer  to  all  the  gods  that 
he  may  be  seized  with  the  infatuation  which  once 
possessed  his  ancestors,  and  then  he  would  find  no 
defect  of  vigor  in  your  measures.  He  knows  that 
by  our  wars  with  his  ancestors,  this  State  became 
happy  and  powerful ;  that  by  our  peaceful  de- 
meanor before  these  wars  we  acquired  a  superiority 

VOL.  I. — 16. 


242  The  World's  Orators 

over  the  other  Grecian  States  never  more  observ- 
able than  at  present.  He  knows  that  the  affairs 
of  Greece  require  some  power  to  be  either  volun- 
tarily or  accidentally  the  instrument  of  a  general 
peace.  He  knows  that  he  himself  must  prove 
that  instrument  if  he  once  attempts  to  raise  a  war ; 
and,  therefore,  these  informations  will  have  their 
due  weight  and  credit. 

That  I  may  not  longer  abuse  your  patience,  1 
shall  repeat  the  sum  of  my  advice,  and  then 
descend. 

You  should  prepare  your  force  against  your 
present  enemies  ;  you  should  use  this  force  against 
the  King,  against  any  power  that  may  attempt  to 
injure  you  ;  but  never  be  the  first  to  break  through 
the  bounds  of  justice  either  in  council  or  in  action. 
You  should  be  solicitous,  not  that  our  speeches, 
but  that  our  conduct  may  be  worthy  of  our 
illustrious  descent.  Act  thus,  and  you  will  serve, 
not  yourselves  only,  but  the  men  who  oppose  these 
measures ;  for  they  will  not  feel  your  resentment 
hereafter  if  they  be  not  suffered  to  mislead  you 
now. 

Translated  by  Thomas  Leland,  D.D. 


THE  FIRST  PHILIPPIC 


[Selection.] 


Demosthenes. 


This  and  the  following  speeches  were  designed  to  wake  the  Athenians  to  the 
danger  with  which  Philip's  growing  power  threatened  them,  and  to  arouse  them 
to  a  sense  of  the  necessity  of  active  measures  to  meet  the  danger.  In  the  First 
Philippic  (  357  b.c.)  Demosthenes  urges  that  a  force  should  be  sent  to  the  coasts 
of  Thrace  and  that  the  Athenians  should  serve  in  person. 


HAD  we  been  convened,  Athenians,  on  some 
new  subject  of  debate,  I  had  waited  until 
most  of  the  usual  persons  had  declared  their  opin- 
ions. If  I  had  approved  of  anything  proposed 
by  them,  I  should  have  continued  silent ;  if  not,  I 
had  then  attempted  to  speak  my  sentiments.  But 
since  those  very  points  on  which  these  speakers 
have  oftentimes  been  heard  already  are,  at  this 
time,  to  be  considered,  though  I  have  risen  first,  I 
presume  I  may  expect  your  pardon  ;  for  if  they  on 
former  occasions  had  advised  the  necessary  meas- 
ures, ye  would  not  have  found  it  needful  to  con- 
sult at  present. 

First,  then,  Athenians,  these  our  affairs  must  not 
be  thought  desperate :  no,  though  their  situation 
seems  entirely  deplorable  ;  for  the  most  shocking 

243 


244  The  World's  Orators 

circumstance  of  all  our  past  conduct  is  really  the 
most  favorable  to  our  future  expectations.  And 
what  is  this  ?  That  our  own  total  indolence  hath 
been  the  cause  of  all  our  present  difficulties:  for 
were  we  thus  distressed,  in  spite  of  every  vigorous 
effort  which  the  honor  of  our  State  demanded, 
there  were  then  no  hope  of  a  recovery. 

In  the  next  place,  reflect — you  who  have  been 
informed  by  others,  and  you  who  can  yourselves 
remember — how  great  a  power  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians not  long  since  possessed  ;  and  with  what 
resolution,  with  what  dignity  you  disdained  to  act 
unworthy  of  the  State,  but  maintained  the  war 
against  them  for  the  rights  of  Greece.  Why  do  I 
mention  these  things  ?  That  ye  may  know,  that 
ye  may  see,  Athenians,  that  if  duly  vigilant  ye 
cannot  have  anything  to  fear ;  that  if  once  remiss, 
not  anything  can  happen  agreeably  to  your  de- 
sires :  witness  the  then  powerful  arms  of  Lacedas- 
mon,  which  a  just  attention  to  your  interests 
enabled  you  to  vanquish  ;  and  this  man's  late 
insolent  attempt,  which  our  insensibility  to  all  our 
great  concerns  hath  made  the  cause  of  this  con- 
fusion. 

If  there  be  a  man  in  this  assembly  who  thinks 
that  we  must  find  a  formidable  enemy  in  Philip, 
while  he  views,  on  one  hand,  the  numerous  armies 
which  attend  him,  and,  on  the  other,  the  weak- 
ness of  the  State  thus  despoiled  of  its  dominions — 


The  First  Philippic  245 

he  thinks  justly.  Yet  let  him  reflect  on  this  :  there 
was  a  time,  Athenians,  when  we  possessed  Pydna, 
and  Potidsea,  and  Methone,  and  all  that  country 
round  ;  when  many  of  those  States  now  subjected 
to  him  were  free  and  independent,  and  more  in- 
clined to  our  alliance  than  to  his.  Had  then  Philip 
reasoned  in  the  same  manner,  "  How  shall  I  dare 
to  attack  the  Athenians,  whose  garrisons  command 
my  territory,  while  1  am  destitute  of  all  assistance  ?  " 
he  would  not  have  engaged  in  those  enterprises 
which  are  now  crowned  with  success ;  nor  could 
he  have  raised  himself  to  this  pitch  of  greatness. 
No,  Athenians,  he  knew  this  well,  that  all  these 
places  are  but  prizes,  laid  between  the  combatants, 
and  ready  for  the  conqueror :  that  the  dominions 
of  the  absent  devolve  naturally  to  those  who  are  in 
the  field ;  the  possessions  of  the  supine  to  the 
active  and  intrepid.  Animated  by  these  senti- 
ments, he  overturns  whole  countries  ;  he  holds  all 
people  in  subjection  :  some,  as  by  the  right  of 
conquest ;  others,  under  the  titles  of  allies  and 
confederates  ;  for  all  are  willing  to  confederate  with 
those  whom  they  see  prepared  and  resolved  to 
exert  themselves  as  they  ought. 

And  if  you,  my  countrymen,  will  now  at  length 
be  persuaded  to  entertain  the  like  sentiments  ;  if 
each  of  you,  renouncing  all  evasions,  will  be  ready 
to  approve  himself  a  useful  citizen,  to  the  utmost 
that  his  station  and  abilities  demand  ;  if  the  rich 


246  The  World's  Orators 

will  be  ready  to  contribute,  and  the  young  to  take 
the  field  ;  in  one  word,  if  you  will  be  yourselves, 
and  banish  those  vain  hopes  which  every  single 
person  entertains,  that  while  so  many  others  are 
engaged  in  public  business,  his  service  will  not  be 
required ;  you  then  (if  Heaven  so  pleases)  shall 
regain  your  dominions,  recall  those  opportunities 
your  supineness  hath  neglected,  and  chastise  the 
insolence  of  this  man  ;  for  you  are  not  to  imagine 
that,  like  a  god,  he  is  to  enjoy  his  present  great- 
ness forever  fixed  and  unchangeable.  Mo,  Athen- 
ians, there  are  [those]  who  hate  him,  who  fear 
him,  who  envy  him,  even  among  those  seemingly 
the  most  attached  to  his  cause.  These  are  passions 
common  to  mankind  ;  nor  must  we  think  that  his 
friends  only  are  exempted  from  them.  It  is  true 
they  lie  concealed  at  present,  as  our  indolence 
deprives  them  of  all  resource.  But  let  us  shake  off 
this  indolence  ;  for  you  see  how  we  are  situated  ; 
you  see  the  outrageous  arrogance  of  this  man,  who 
does  not  leave  it  to  your  choice  whether  you  shall 
act  or  remain  quiet ;  but  braves  you  with  his 
menaces  ;  and  talks,  as  we  are  informed,  in  a  strain 
of  the  highest  extravagance  ;  and  is  not  able  to 
rest  satisfied  with  his  present  acquisitions,  but  is 
even  in  pursuit  of  further  conquests  ;  and  while  we 
sit  down,  inactive  and  irresolute,  encloses  us  on 
all  sides  with  his  toils. 
When,  therefore,  O  my  countrymen  !  when  will 


The  First  Philippic  247 

you  exert  your  vigor  ?  When  roused  by  some 
event  ?  when  forced  by  some  necessity  ?  What 
then  are  we  to  think  of  our  present  condition  ? 
To  freemen,  the  disgrace  attending  on  misconduct 
is,  in  my  opinion,  the  most  urgent  necessity.  Or 
say,  is  it  your  sole  ambition  to  wander  through 
the  public  places,  each  inquiring  of  the  other, 
''What  new  advices?"  Can  anything  be  more 
new  than  that  a  man  of  Macedon  should  conquer 
the  Athenians  and  give  law  to  Greece  ?  "Is  Philip 
dead?"  ''No,  but  in  great  danger."  How  are  you 
concerned  in  those  rumors  ?  Suppose  he  should 
meet  some  fatal  stroke ;  you  would  soon  raise  up 
another  Philip,  if  your  interests  are  thus  regarded  ; 
for  it  is  not  to  his  own  strength  that  he  so  much 
owes  his  elevation  as  to  our  supineness.  And 
should  some  accident  affect  him,  should  Fortune, 
who  hath  ever  been  more  careful  of  the  State  than 
we  ourselves,  now  repeat  her  favors  (and  may  she 
thus  crown  them  ! )  ;  be  assured  of  this,  that  by 
being  on  the  spot,  ready  to  take  advantage  of  the 
confusion,  you  will  everywhere  be  absolute  mas- 
ters ;  but  in  your  present  disposition,  even  if  a  favor- 
able juncture  should  present  you  with  Amphipolis, 
you  could  not  take  possession  of  it  while  this  sus- 
pense prevails  in  your  designs  and  in  your  councils. 
And  now,  as  to  the  necessity  of  a  general  vigor 
and  alacrity  ;  of  this  you  must  be  fully  persuaded  ; 
this  point,  therefore,  1  shall  urge  no  further.     But 


248  The  World's  Orators 

the  nature  of  the  armament  which,  I  think,  will 
extricate  you  from  the  present  difficulties,  the 
numbers  to  be  raised,  the  subsidies  required  for 
their  support,  and  all  the  other  necessaries ;  how 
they  may  (in  my  opinion)  be  best  and  most  expe- 
ditiously provided  ;  these  things  I  shall  endeavor 
to  explain.  But  here  1  make  this  request,  Athen- 
ians—  that  you  would  not  be  precipitate,  but 
suspend  your  judgment  till  you  have  heard  me 
fully.  And  if,  at  first,  I  seem  to  propose  a  new 
kind  of  armament,  let  it  not  be  thought  that  1  am 
delaying  your  affairs ;  for  it  is  not  they  who  cry 
out, ''  Instantly  ! "  *'  This  moment !  "  whose  coun- 
sels suit  the  present  juncture  (as  it  is  not  possible 
to  repel  violences  already  committed  by  any  occa- 
sional detachment);  but  he  who  will  show  you  of 
what  kind  that  armament  must  be,  how  great,  and 
how  supported,  which  may  subsist  until  we  yield  to 
peace,  or  until  our  enemies  sink  beneath  our  arms  ; 
for  thus  only  can  we  be  secured  from  future  dan- 
gers. These  things,  1  think,  I  can  point  out ;  not 
that  I  would  prevent  any  other  person  from  declar- 
ing his  opinion.  Thus  far  am  1  engaged  ;  how  I 
can  acquit  myself  will  immediately  appear ;  to  your 
judgments  I  appeal. 

Translated  by  Thomas  Leland,  D.D. 


FIRST  OLYNTHIAC  ORATION 

[Selection.]  Demosthenes. 

The  three  orations  for  Olynthus  (349-348  b.c.)  plead  the  cause  of  the  great  city 
which,  with  its  confederacy  of  thirty -two  towns,  Philip  destroyed  in  348  b.c. 
In  349  B.C.  Philip  entered  Chalcidice,  and  besieged  some  of  the  confederate 
towns.  Olynthus  sent  an  embassy  to  Athens  proposing  alliance  and  beseeching 
help.  On  this  occasion  the  First  Olynthiac  was  spoken.  Demosthenes  demanded 
prompt  action  and  the  simultaneous  sending  of  two  citizen  forces,  one  to  defend 
Olynthus,  the  other  to  harass  Macedon. 

IF  there  be  any  one  among  you  who,  from  Philip's 
good  fortune,  concludes  that  he  must  prove  a 
formidable  enemy,  such  reasoning  is  not  unworthy 
a  man  of  prudence.  Fortune  hath  great  influence, 
nay,  the  whole  influence,  in  all  human  affairs  ;  but 
then,  were  I  to  choose,  1  should  prefer  the  fortune 
of  Athens  (if  you  yourselves  will  assert  your  own 
cause  with  the  least  degree  of  vigor)  to  this  man's 
fortune,  for  we  have  many  better  reasons  to  depend 
on  the  favor  of  heaven  than  this  man.  But  our 
present  state  is,  in  my  opinion,  a  state  of  total 
inactivity  ;  and  he  who  will  not  exert  his  own 
strength  cannot  apply  for  aid  either  to  his  friends 
or  to  the  gods.  It  is  not  then  surprising  that  he  who 
is  himself  even  amid  the  dangers  and  labors  of  the 

field,  who  is  everywhere,  whom  no  opportunity 

249 


250  The  World's  Orators 

escapes,  to  whom  no  season  is  unfavorable,  should 
be  superior  to  you  who  are  wholly  engaged  in 
contriving  delays,  and  framing  decrees,  and  in- 
quiring after  news.  I  am  not  surprised  at  this  ; 
for  the  contrary  must  have  been  surprising,  if  we, 
who  never  act  in  any  single  instance  as  becomes  a 
State  engaged  in  war,  should  conquer  him  who  in 
every  instance  acts  with  an  indefatigable  vigilance. 
This,  indeed,  surprises  me — that  you  who  fought 
the  cause  of  Greece  against  Lacedasmon,  and  gen- 
erously declined  all  the  many  favorable  opportuni- 
ties of  aggrandizing  yourselves ;  who,  to  secure 
their  property  to  others,  parted  with  your  own  by 
contributions,  and  bravely  exposed  yourselves  in 
battle,  should  now  decline  the  service  of  the  field 
and  delay  the  necessary  supplies  when  called  to 
the  defence  of  your  own  rights ;  that  you,  in 
whom  Greece  in  general  and  each  particular  State 
hath  often  found  protection,  should  sit  down  quiet 
spectators  of  your  own  private  wrongs.  This,  I 
say,  surprises  me  ;  and  one  thing  more,  that  not  a 
man  among  you  can  reflect  how  long  a  time  we 
have  been  at  war  with  Philip,  and  in  what  measure 
this  time  hath  all  been  wasted.  You  are  not  to  be 
informed  that,  in  delaying,  in  hoping  that  others 
would  assert  your  cause,  in  accusing  each  other,  in 
impeaching,  then  again  entertaining  hopes,  in  such 
measures  as  are  now  pursued,  that  time  hath  been 
entirely  wasted.  And  are  you  so  devoid  of  appre- 
hension as  to  imagine,  when  our  State  hath  been 


First  Olynthiac  Oration  251 

reduced  from  greatness  to  wretchedness,  that  the 
very  same  conduct  will  raise  us  from  wretchedness 
to  greatness  ?  No  ;  this  is  not  reasonable  ;  it  is 
not  natural,  for  it  is  much  easier  to  defend  than  to 
acquire  dominions.  But  now  the  war  hath  left  us 
nothing  to  defend,  we  must  acquire.  And  to  this 
work  you  yourselves  alone  are  equal. 

This,  then,  is  my  opinion  :  you  should  raise  sup- 
plies, you  should  take  the  field  with  alacrity. 
Prosecutions  should  be  all  suspended  until  you 
have  recovered  your  affairs ;  let  each  man's  sen- 
tence be  determined  by  his  actions ;  honor  those 
who  have  deserved  applause ;  let  the  iniquitous 
meet  their  prnishment ;  let  there  be  no  pretences, 
no  deficiencies  on  your  part,  for  you  cannot  bring 
the  actions  of  others  to  a  severe  scrutiny  unless 
you  have  first  been  careful  of  your  own  duty. 
What,  indeed,  can  be  the  reason,  think  ye,  that 
every  man  whom  ye  have  sent  out  at  the  head  of 
an  army  hath  deserted  your  service,  and  sought 
out  some  private  expedition,  if  we  must  speak  in- 
genuously of  these  our  generals  also  ?  The  reason 
is  this  :  when  engaged  in  the  service  of  the  State, 
the  prize  for  which  they  fight  is  yours.  Thus, 
should  Amphipolis  be  taken  now,  you  instantly 
possess  yourselves  of  it ;  the  commanders  have 
all  the  dangers,  the  rewards  they  do  not  share. 
But  in  their  private  enterprises  the  dangers  are 
less  ;  the  acquisitions  are  all  shared  by  the  generals 
and  soldiers,  as  were  Lampsacus,  Sig^um,  and 


252  The  World's  Orators 

those  vessels  which  they  plundered.  Thus  are 
they  all  determined  by  their  private  interest.  And 
when  you  turn  your  eyes  to  the  wretched  state  of 
your  affairs,  you  bring  your  generals  to  a  trial,  you 
grant  them  leave  to  speak,  you  hear  the  necessities 
they  plead,  and  then  acquit  them.  Nothing  then 
remains  for  us  but  to  be  distracted  with  endless 
contests  and  divisions  (some  urging  these,  some 
those  measures),  and  to  feel  the  public  calamity  ; 
for  in  former  times,  Athenians,  you  divided  into 
classes  to  raise  supplies.  Now  the  business  of 
these  classes  is  to  govern  ;  each  hath  an  orator  at 
its  head,  and  a  general  who  is  his  creature.  The 
Three  Hundred  are  assistants  to  these,  and  the 
rest  of  you  divide,  some  to  this,  some  to  that 
party.  You  must  rectify  these  disorders  ;  you  must 
appear  yourselves  ;  you  must  leave  the  power  of 
speaking,  of  advising,  and  of  acting  open  to  every 
citizen.  But  if  you  suffer  some  persons  to  issue 
out  their  mandates  as  with  a  royal  authority, — if 
one  set  of  men  be  forced  to  fit  out  ships,  to  raise 
supplies,  to  take  up  arms,  while  others  are  only  to 
make  decrees  against  them,  without  any  charge, 
any  employment  besides,  it  is  not  possible  that 
anything  can  be  effected  seasonably  and  success- 
fully ;  for  the  injured  party  ever  will  desert  you, 
and  then  your  sole  resource  will  be  to  make  them 
feel  your  resentment  instead  of  your  enemies. 

Translated  by  Thomas  Leland,  D.  D. 


SECOND  OLYNTHIAC  ORATION 

[Selection.]  Demosthenes. 

Philip  becoming  more  bold  in  his  encroachments  on  Olynthus,  the  Olynthians 
again  applied  to  the  Athenians,  and  pressed  for  more  effectual  assistance  than  that 
previously  granted  them.  In  the  following  speech  Demosthenes  endeavors  to 
support  this  petition,  and  to  prove  that  both  the  honor  and  the  interest  of  the 
Athenians  demanded  their  compliance. 

AND  here  let  me  entreat  your  attention  to  a 
summary  account  of  the  conduct  of  your 
ancestors  and  of  your  own.  I  shall  mention  but  a 
few  things,  and  these  well  known  :  for,  if  you 
would  pursue  the  way  to  happiness,  you  need  not 
look  abroad  for  leaders ;  our  own  countrymen 
point  it  out.  These,  our  ancestors,  therefore, 
whom  the  orators  never  courted,  never  treated 
with  that  indulgence  with  which  you  are  flattered, 
held  the  sovereignty  of  Greece,  with  general  con- 
sent, five-and-forty  years ;  deposited  above  ten 
thousand  talents  in  our  public  treasury  ;  kept  the 
King  of  this  country  in  that  subjection  which  a 
barbarian  owes  to  Greeks  ;  erected  monuments  of 
many  and  illustrious  actions  which  they  themselves 
achieved  by  land  and  sea  ;  in  a  word,  are  the  only 

253 


254  The  World's  Orators 

persons  who  have  transmitted  to  posterity  such 
glory  as  is  superior  to  envy.  Thus  great  do  they 
appear  in  the  affairs  of  Greece.  Let  us  now^  view 
them  within  the  city,  both  in  their  public  and 
private  conduct.  And,  first,  the  edifices  which 
their  administrations  have  given  us,  their  decora- 
tions of  our  temples,  and  the  offerings  deposited 
by  them,  are  so  numerous  and  so  magnificent  that 
all  the  efforts  of  posterity  cannot  exceed  them. 
Then,  in  private  life,  so  exemplary  was  their  mod- 
eration, their  adherence  to  the  ancient  manners  so 
scrupulously  exact,  that,  if  any  of  you  ever  discov- 
ered the  house  of  Aristides,  or  Miltiades,  or  any  of 
the  illustrious  men  of  those  times,  he  must  know 
that  it  was  not  distinguished  by  the  least  extraordi- 
nary splendor,  for  they  did  not  so  conduct  the 
public  business  as  to  aggrandize  themselves  ;  their 
sole  great  object  was  to  exalt  the  State,  and  thus, 
by  their  faithful  attachment  to  Greece,  by  their 
piety  to  the  gods,  and  by  that  equality  which  they 
maintained  among  themselves,  they  were  raised 
(and  no  wonder)  to  the  summit  of  prosperity. 

Such  was  the  state  of  Athens  at  that  time,  when 
the  men  I  have  mentioned  were  in  power.  But 
what  is  your  condition  under  these  indulgent  min- 
isters who  now  direct  us  ?  Is  it  the  same,  or  nearly 
the  same  ?  Other  things  I  shall  pass  over,  though 
1  might  expatiate  on  them.  Let  it  only  be  observed, 
that  we  are  now,  as  you  all  see,  left  without  com- 


Second  Olynthiac  Oration  255 

petitors ;  the  Lacedaemonians  lost ;  the  Thebans 
engaged  at  home ;  and  not  one  of  all  the  other 
States  of  consequence  sufficient  to  dispute  the 
sovereignty  with  us.  Yet  at  a  time  when  we  might 
have  enjoyed  our  own  dominions  in  security,  and 
been  the  umpires  in  all  disputes  abroad,  our  terri- 
tories have  been  wrested  from  us ;  we  have  ex- 
pended above  one  thousand  five  hundred  talents 
to  no  purpose  ;  the  allies  which  we  gained  in  war 
have  been  lost  in  time  of  peace  ;  and  to  this  degree 
of  power  have  we  raised  an  enemy  against  our- 
selves. (For  let  the  man  stand  forth  who  can  show 
whence  Philip  hath  derived  his  greatness,  if  not 
from  us.) 

''Well !  if  these  affairs  have  but  an  unfavorable 
aspect,  yet  those  within  the  city  are  much  more 
flourishing  than  ever."  Where  are  the  proofs  of 
this  ?  The  walls  which  have  been  whitened  ?  the 
ways  we  have  repaired  ?  the  supplies  of  water  ? 
and  such  trifles.  Turn  your  eyes  to  the  men  of 
whose  administrations  these  are  the  fruits ;  some 
of  whom,  from  the  lowest  state  of  poverty,  have 
arisen  suddenly  to  affluence  ;  some  from  meanness 
to  renown  ;  others  have  made  their  own  private 
houses  much  more  magnificent  than  the  public 
edifices.  Just  as  the  State  hath  fallen  their  private 
fortunes  have  been  raised. 

And  what  cause  can  we  assign  for  this  ?  How 
is  it  that  our  affairs  were  once  so  flourishing,  and 


256  The  World's  Orators 

now  in  such  disorder?  Because,  formerly,  the 
people  dared  take  up  arms  themselves  ;  were  them- 
selves masters  of  those  in  employment;  disposers 
themselves  of  all  emoluments  ;  so  that  every  citi- 
zen thought  himself  happy  to  derive  honors  and 
authority,  and  all  advantages  whatever,  from  the 
people.  But  now,  on  the  contrary,  favors  are  all 
dispensed,  affairs  all  transacted  by  the  ministers ; 
while  you,  quite  enervated,  robbed  of  your  riches, 
your  allies,  stand  in  the  mean  rank  of  servants  and 
assistants;  happy  if  these  men  grant  you  the  theatri- 
cal appointments,  and  send  you  scraps  of  the  public 
meal ;  and,  what  is  of  all  most  sordid,  you  hold 
yourselves  obliged  to  them  for  that  which  is  your 
own  ;  while  they  confine  you  within  these  walls, 
lead  you  on  gently  to  their  purposes,  and  soothe 
and  tame  you  to  obedience.  Nor  is  it  possible, 
that  they  who  are  engaged  in  low  and  grovelling 
pursuits  can  entertain  great  and  generous  senti- 
ments. No  !  Such  as  their  employments  are,  so 
must  their  dispositions  prove.  And  now  I  call 
Heaven  to  witness,  that  it  will  not  surprise  me  if  I 
suffer  more  by  mentioning  this  your  condition  than 
they  who  have  involved  you  in  it !  Freedom  of 
speech  you  do  not  allow  on  all  occasions ;  and 
that  you  have  now  admitted  it  excites  my  wonder. 
Translated  by  Thomas  Leland,  D.D. 


THE  SECOND  PHILIPPIC 

[Selection.]  Demosthenes. 

To  counteract  the  intrigues  of  Philip,  Demosthenes  undertook  a  mission  of 
warning  to  the  Peloponnesus.  This  mission  was  the  origin,  apparently,  of  a 
mission  to  Athens  in  344  b.c,  on  which  occasion  Demosthenes  spoke  the  Second 
Philippic.  Demosthenes  exhibits  in  this  speech  the  true  relation  of  Philip  to 
Athens  and  to  Greece. 

MESSENIANS!"saidI,  "how  highly,  think  ye, 
would  the  Olynthians  have  been  offended 
if  any  man  had  spoken  against  Philip  at  that  time 
when  he  gave  them  up  Anthemus,  a  city  which 
the  former  kings  of  Macedon  had  ever  claimed  ? 
when  he  drove  out  the  Athenian  colony  and  gave 
them  Potidas  ?  when  he  took  all  our  resentment 
on  himself  and  left  them  to  enjoy  our  dominions  ? 
Did  they  expect  to  have  suffered  thus  ?  had  it  been 
foretold,  would  they  have  believed  it  ?  You  can- 
not think  it !  Yet,  after  a  short  enjoyment  of 
the  territories  of  others,  they  have  been  forever 
despoiled  of  their  own  by  this  man.  Inglorious 
has  been  their  fall,  not  conquered  only,  but  be- 
trayed and  sold  by  one  another :  for  those  intimate 

VOL.  I.— 17. 


258  The  World's  Orators 

correspondences  with  tyrants  ever  portend  mischief 
to  free  States."  ''Turn  your  eyes,"  said  I,  "to  the 
Thessalians !  think  ye,  that  when  he  first  expelled 
their  tyrants,  when  he  then  gave  them  up  Nicasa 
and  Magnesia,  that  they  expected  ever  to  have 
been  subjected  to  those  governors  now  imposed  on 
them  ?  or  that  the  man  who  restored  them  to  their 
seat  in  the  Amphictyonic  Council  would  have  de- 
prived them  of  their  own  proper  revenues  ?  yet, 
that  such  was  the  event,  the  world  can  testify.  In 
like  manner,  you  now  behold  Philip  lavishing  his 
gifts  and  promises  on  you.  If  you  are  wise,  you 
will  pray  that  he  may  never  appear  to  have  de- 
ceived and  abused  you.  Various  are  the  contriv- 
ances for  the  defence  and  security  of  cities ;  as 
battlements,  and  walls,  and  trenches,  and  every 
other  kind  of  fortification  ;  all  which  are  the  effects 
of  labor,  and  attended  with  continual  expense. 
But  there  is  one  common  bulwark  with  which  men 
of  prudence  are  naturally  provided,  the  guard  and 
security  of  all  people,  particularly  of  free  States, 
against  the  assaults  of  tyrants.  What  is  this? 
Distrust.  Of  this  be  mindful :  to  this  adhere : 
preserve  this  carefully,  and  no  calamity  can  affect 
you."  ''What  is  it  you  seek?"  said  I.  "Liberty? 
And  do  ye  not  perceive  that  nothing  can  be  more 
averse  lo  this  than  the  very  titles  of  Philip  ?  Every 
monarch,  every  tyrant  is  an  enemy  to  liberty,  and 
the  opposer  of  laws.    Will  ye  not  then  be  careful 


The  Second  Philippic  259 

lest,  while  ye  seek  to  be  freed  from  war,  you  find 
yourselves  his  slaves  ?" 

But  although  they  heard  these  things,  and  loudly 
expressed  their  approbation  ;  though  the  like  points 
were  frequently  urged  by  the  ambassadors  while  I 
was  present,  and  probably  were  afterward  re- 
peated ;  yet  still  they  have  no  less  dependence  on 
the  friendship  and  promises  of  Philip.  But  it  is 
not  strange  that  the  Messenians  and  some  of  the 
Peloponnesians  should  act  contrary  to  the  dictates 
of  nature,  reason,  and  reflection.  Even  you,  who 
are  yourselves  fully  sensible,  and  constantly  re- 
minded by  your  public  speakers  that  there  are 
designs  forming  against  you,  that  the  toils  of  your 
enemies  are  surrounding  you,  will,  1  fear,  be 
plunged  by  your  supineness  into  all  those  dangers 
that  threaten  you  ;  so  prevalent  is  the  pleasure  and 
indulgence  of  a  moment  over  all  your  future  in- 
terests. But  as  to  the  course  necessary  to  be 
pursued,  prudence  requires  that  this  be  debated 
hereafter  among  yourselves.  At  present,  I  shall 
propose  such  an  answer  to  these  ministers  as  may 
be  worthy  of  your  concurrence.    .    .     . 

It  would  be  just,  Athenians,  to  call  the  men  be- 
fore you  who  gave  those  promises  which  induced 
you  to  conclude  the  peace  ;  for  neither  would 
1  have  undertaken  the  embassy,  nor  would  you, 
I  am  convinced,  have  laid  down  your  arms,  had  it 
been  suspected  that  Philip  would  have  acted  thus 


26o  The  World's  Orators 

when  he  had  obtained  a  peace.  No ;  the  assur- 
ances he  then  gave  were  quite  different  from  his 
present  actions.  There  are  others  also  to  be  sum- 
moned. Who  are  these  ?  The  men  who,  at  my 
return  from  the  second  embassy  (sent  for  the  rati- 
fication of  the  treaty),  when  I  saw  the  State 
abused,  and  warned  you  of  your  danger,  and  testi- 
fied the  truth,  and  opposed  with  all  my  power  the 
giving  up  of  Thermopylae  and  Phocis  ;  the  men,  1 
say,  who  then  cried  out  that  I,  the  water-drinker, 
was  morose  and  peevish  ;  but  that  Philip,  if  per- 
mitted to  pass,  would  act  agreeably  to  your  de- 
sires, would  fortify  Thespia  and  Plataea,  restrain 
the  insolence  of  Thebes,  cut  through  the  Cher- 
sonesus  at  his  own  expense,  and  give  you  up 
Euboea  and  Oropus,  as  an  equivalent  for  Amphipo- 
lis.  That  all  this  was  positively  affirmed  you  can- 
not, I  am  sure,  forget,  though  not  remarkable  for 
remembering  injuries.  And,  to  complete  the  dis- 
grace, you  have  engaged  your  posterity  to  the 
same  treaty,  in  full  dependence  on  those  promises : 
so  entirely  have  you  been  seduced. 

And  now,  to  what  purpose  do  1  mention  this  ? 
and  why  do  I  desire  that  these  men  should  ap- 
pear ?  I  call  the  gods  to  witness  that,  without 
the  least  evasion,  1  shall  boldly  declare  the  truth  ! 
Not  that,  by  breaking  out  into  invectives,  I  may 
expose  myself  to  the  like  treatment,  and  once  more 
give  my  old  enemies  an  opportunity  of  receiving 


The  Second  Philippic  261 

Philip's  gold ;  nor  yet  that  1  may  indulge  an  im- 
pertinent vanity  of  haranguing ;  but  1  apprehend 
the  time  must  come  when  Philip's  actions  will 
give  you  more  concern  than  at  present.  His  de- 
signs, I  see,  are  ripening.  I  wish  my  appre- 
hensions may  not  prove  just :  but  I  fear  that  time 
is  not  far  off.  And  when  it  will  no  longer  be  in 
your  power  to  disregard  events ;  when  neither 
mine  nor  any  other  person's  information,  but  your 
own  knowledge,  your  own  senses  will  assure  you 
of  the  impending  danger,  then  will  your  severest 
resentment  break  forth.  And  as  your  ambassa- 
dors have  concealed  certain  things  (as  they  them- 
selves are  conscious),  by  corruption,  I  fear  that 
they  who  endeavor  to  restore  what  these  men 
have  ruined  may  feel  the  weight  of  your  dis- 
pleasure ;  for  there  are  some,  1  find,  who  generally 
point  their  anger,  not  at  the  deserving  objects,  but 
those  most  immediately  at  their  mercy. 

While  our  affairs,  therefore,  remain  not  abso- 
lutely desperate — while  it  is  yet  in  our  power  to 
debate — give  me  leave  to  remind  you  all  of  one 
thing,  though  none  can  be  ignorant  of  it.  Who 
was  the  man  that  persuaded  you  to  give  up  Phocis 
and  Thermopylae  ?  which  once  gained,  he  also 
gained  free  access  for  his  troops  to  Attica  and  to 
Peloponnesus,  and  obliged  us  to  turn  our  thoughts 
from  the  rights  of  Greece,  from  all  foreign  inter- 
ests, to  a  defensive  war,  in  these  very  territories ; 


262  The  World's  Orators 

whose  approach  must  be  severely  felt  by  every 
one  of  us  :  and  that  very  day  gave  birth  to  it ;  for 
had  we  not  been  then  deceived,  the  State  could 
have  nothing  to  apprehend.  His  naval  power 
could  not  have  been  great  enough  to  attempt 
Attica  by  sea ;  nor  could  he  have  passed  by  land 
through  Thermopyte  and  Phocis.  But  he  must 
have  either  confined  himself  within  the  bounds  of 
justice,  and  lived  in  a  due  observance  of  his 
treaty,  or  have  instantly  been  involved  in  a  war 
equal  to  that  which  obliged  him  to  sue  for  peace. 

Thus  much  may  be  sufficient  to  recall  past 
actions  to  your  view.  May  all  the  gods  forbid 
that  the  event  should  confirm  my  suspicions !  for  I 
by  no  means  desire  that  any  man  should  meet 
even  the  deserved  punishment  of  his  crimes,  when 
the  whole  community  is  in  danger  of  being  in- 
volved in  his  destruction. 

Translated  by  Thomas  Leland,  D.D. 


THE  THIRD  PHILIPPIC 


Demosthenes. 


This  speech  was  delivered  about  three  months  after  the  Second  Philippic, 
while  Philip  was  advancing  into  Thrace  and  threatening  both  the  Chersonese 
and  the  Propontine  coast.  No  new  event  had  happened  which  called  for  any 
special  consultation  ;  but  Demosthenes,  alarmed  by  the  formidable  character  of 
Philip's  enterprise  and  vast  military  preparations,  felt  the  necessity  of  rousing  the 
Athenians  to  exertion. 


THOUGH  we  have  heard  a  great  deal,  Athen- 
ians, in  almost  every  assembly,  of  those  acts 
of  violence  which  Philip  hath  been  committing 
ever  since  his  treaty,  not  against  ours  only,  but 
the  other  States  of  Greece  ;  though  all,  I  am  con- 
fident, are  ready  to  acknowledge,  even  they  who 
fail  in  the  performance,  that  we  should,  every  one 
of  us,  exert  our  efforts,  in  council  and  in  action,  to 
oppose  and  to  chastise  his  insolence  ;  yet  to  such 
circumstances  are  you  reduced  by  your  supine- 
ness,  that  I  fear  (shocking  as  it  is  to  say)  that  had 
we  all  agreed  to  propose,  and  you  to  embrace, 
such  measures  as  would  most  effectually  ruin  our 
affairs,  they  could  not  have  been  more  distressed 
than  at  present.    And  to  this  perhaps  a  variety  of 

causes  have  conspired ;  nor  could  we  have  been 

263 


264  The  World's  Orators 

thus  affected  by  one  or  two.  But,  on  a  strict  and 
just  inquiry,  you  will  find  it  principally  owing 
to  those  orators  who  study  rather  to  gain  your 
favor  than  to  advance  your  interests  ;  some  of 
whom  (attentive  only  to  the  means  of  establishing 
their  own  reputation  and  power)  never  extend 
their  thoughts  beyond  the  present  moment,  and 
therefore  think  that  your  views  are  equally  con- 
fined. Others,  by  their  accusations  and  invectives 
against  those  at  the  head  of  affairs,  labor  only  to 
make  the  State  inflict  severity  on  itself ;  that,  while 
we  are  thus  engaged,  Philip  may  have  full  power 
of  speaking  and  of  acting  as  he  pleases.  Such  are 
now  the  usual  methods  of  our  statesmen  ;  and 
hence  all  our  errors  and  disorders. 

Let  me  entreat  you,  my  countrymen,  that  if  I 
speak  some  truths  with  boldness,  I  may  not  be 
exposed  to  your  resentment.  Consider  this :  on 
other  occasions,  you  account  liberty  of  speech 
so  general  a  privilege  of  all  within  your  walls,  that 
aliens  and  slaves  are  allowed  to  share  it ;  so  that 
many  domestics  may  be  found  among  you  speak- 
ing their  thoughts  with  less  reserve  than  citizens 
in  some  other  States.  But  from  your  councils  you 
have  utterly  banished  it.  And  the  consequence  is 
this :  in  your  assemblies,  as  you  listen  only  to  be 
pleased,  you  meet  with  flattery  and  indulgence ; 
in  the  circumstances  of  public  affairs  you  find  your- 
selves threatened  with  the  extremity  of  danger. 


The  Third  Philippic  265 

if  you  have  still  the  same  dispositions  I  must  be 
silent ;  if  you  will  attend  to  your  true  interests, 
without  expecting  to  be  flattered,  I  am  ready  to 
speak.  For  although  our  affairs  are  wretchedly 
situated,  though  our  inactivity  hath  occasioned 
many  losses,  yet  by  proper  vigor  and  resolution 
you  may  still  repair  them  all.  What  I  am  now 
going  to  advance  may  possibly  appear  incredible  ; 
yet  it  is  a  certain  truth.  The  greatest  of  all  our 
past  misfortunes  is  a  circumstance  the  most  favor- 
able to  our  future  expectations.  And  what  is  this  ? 
That  the  present  difficulties  are  really  owing  to 
our  utter  disregard  of  everything  which  in  any  de- 
gree affected  our  interests.  For,  were  we  thus 
situated  in  spite  of  every  effort  which  our  duty 
demanded,  then  we  should  regard  our  future  as 
absolutely  desperate.  But  now  Philip  hath  con- 
quered your  supineness  and  inactivity  ;  the  State 
he  hath  not  conquered.  Nor  have  you  been  de- 
feated ;  your  force  hath  not  even  been  exerted. 

Were  it  generally  acknowledged  that  Philip 
was  at  war  with  the  State,  and  had  really  violated 
the  peace,  the  only  point  to  be  considered  would 
then  be  how  to  oppose  him  with  the  greatest  ease 
and  safety.  But  since  there  are  persons  so 
strangely  infatuated  that,  although  he  be  still  ex- 
tending his  conquests,  although  he  hath  possessed 
himself  of  a  considerable  part  of  our  dominions, 
although  all  mankind  have  suflered  by  his  injustice, 


266  The  World's  Orators 

they  can  yet  hear  it  repeated  in  this  assembly 
that  it  is  some  of  us  who  are  embroiling  the  State 
in  war.  This  suggestion  must  first  be  guarded 
against ;  else  there  is  reason  to  apprehend  that  the 
man  who  moves  you  to  oppose  your  adversary  may 
incur  the  censure  of  being  the  author  of  the  war. 
And,  first  of  all,  1  lay  down  this  as  certain  :  if 
it  were  in  our  power  to  determine  whether  we 
should  be  at  peace  or  war ;  if  peace  (that  I  may 
begin  with  this)  were  wholly  dependent  on  the 
option  of  the  State,  there  is  no  doubt  but  that  we 
should  embrace  it.  And  I  expect  that  he  who 
asserts  it  will,  without  attempting  to  prevari- 
cate, draw  up  his  decree  in  form,  and  propose  it 
to  your  acceptance.  But  if  the  other  party  hath 
drawn  the  sword,  and  gathered  his  armies  round 
him  ;  if  he  amuse  us  with  the  name  of  peace, 
while  he  really  proceeds  to  all  kinds  of  hostilities, 
what  remains  but  to  oppose  him  ?  To  make  pro- 
fessions of  peace,  indeed,  like  him — if  this  be 
agreeable  to  you — I  acquiesce.  But  if  any  man 
takes  that  for  peace  which  is  enabling  him,  after 
all  his  other  conquests,  to  lead  his  forces  hither, 
his  mind  must  be  disordered  ;  at  least  it  is  our 
conduct  only  towards  him,  not  his  towards  us, 
that  must  be  called  a  peace.  But  this  is  for  which 
all  Philip's  treasures  are  expended  ;  that  he  should 
carry  on  the  war  against  you,  but  that  you  should 
make  no  war  on  him.    Should  we  continue  thus 


The  Third  Philippic  267 

inactive  till  he  declares  himself  our  enemy,  we 
should  be  the  weakest  of  mortals.  This  he  would 
not  do  although  he  were  in  the  heart  of  Attica, 
even  at  the  Pir^us,  if  we  may  judge  from  his  behav- 
ior to  others.  For  it  was  not  till  he  came  within 
a  few  miles  of  Olynthus  that  he  declared  that 
''  either  the  Olynthians  must  quit  their  city,  or  he 
his  kingdom. "  Had  he  been  accused  of  this  at  any 
time  before  he  would  have  resented  it,  and  am- 
bassadors must  have  been  despatched  to  justify 
their  master.  In  like  manner,  when  he  was  mov- 
ing towards  the  Phocians,  he  still  affected  to 
regard  them  as  allies  and  friends  ;  nay,  there  were 
actually  ambassadors  from  Phocis  who  attended 
him  in  his  march  ;  and  among  us  were  many  who 
insisted  that  this  march  portended  no  good  to 
Thebes.  Not  long  since  when  he  went  into  Thes- 
saly  with  all  the  appearance  of  amity,  he  possessed 
himself  of  Pheras.  And  it  is  but  now  he  told  the 
wretched  people  of  Oreum  that  he  had,  in  all  affec- 
tion, sent  some  forces  to  inspect  their  affairs  ;  for 
that  he  heard  they  labored  under  disorders  and 
seditions  ;  and  that  true  friends  and  allies  should 
not  be  absent  on  such  occasions.  And  can  you 
imagine  that  he,  who  chose  to  make  use  of  artifice 
rather  than  open  force  against  enemies  by  no 
means  able  to  distress  him,  who,  at  most,  could 
but  have  defended  themselves  against  him — that 
he  will  openly  proclaim  his  hostile  designs  against 


268  The  World's  Orators 

you  ;  and  this  when  you  yourselves  obstinately 
shut  your  eyes  against  them  ?  Impossible  !  He 
would  be  the  absurdest  of  mankind,  if,  while  his 
outrages  pass  unnoticed,  while  you  are  wholly 
engaged  in  accusing  some  among  yourselves,  and 
endeavoring  to  bring  them  to  a  trial,  he  should  put 
an  end  to  your  private  contests,  warn  you  to 
direct  all  your  zeal  against  him,  and  so  deprive  his 
pensioners  of  their  most  specious  pretence  for  sus- 
pending your  resolutions  ;  that  of  his  not  being  at 
war  with  the  State.  Heavens  !  is  there  any  man 
of  a  right  mind  who  would  judge  of  peace  or  war 
by  words  and  not  by  actions  ?  Surely,  no  man. 
To  examine  then  the  actions  of  Philip.  When  the 
peace  was  just  concluded,  before  ever  Diopithes 
had  received  his  commission,  or  those  in  the  Cher- 
sonesus  had  been  sent  out,  he  possessed  himself 
of  Serrium  and  Doriscum,  and  obliged  the  forces 
our  general  had  stationed  in  the  citadel  of  Serrium 
and  the  Sacred  Mount  to  evacuate  these  places. 
From  these  proceedings,  what  are  we  to  judge  of 
him  ?  The  peace  he  had  ratified  by  the  most 
solemn  oaths.  And  let  it  not  be  asked,  of  what 
moment  is  all  this  ?  or  how  is  the  State  affected  by 
it  ?  Whether  these  things  be  of  no  moment,  or 
whether  we  are  affected  by  them  or  no,  is  a  ques- 
tion of  another  nature.  Let  the  instance  of  viola- 
tion be  great  or  small,  the  sacred  obligation  of  faith 
and  justice  is,  in  all  instances,  the  same. 


The  Third  Philippic  269 

But  further :  when  he  sends  his  forces  into  the 
Chersonesus,  which  the  King,  which  every  State 
of  Greece  acknowledged  to  be  ours ;  when  he  con- 
fessedly assists  our  enemies,  and  braves  us  with 
such  letters,  what  are  his  intentions  ?  for  they  say 
he  is  not  at  war  with  us.  For  my  own  part,  so 
far  am  1  from  acknowledging  such  conduct  to  be 
consistent  with  his  treaty,  that  1  declare,  that  by 
his  attack  on  the  Megareans,  by  his  attempts  on 
the  liberty  of  Euboea,  by  his  late  incursion  into 
Thrace,  by  his  practice  in  Peloponnesus,  and  by 
his  constant  recourse  to  the  power  of  arms,  in  all 
his  transactions  he  has  violated  the  treaty,  and  is 
at  war  with  you  ;  unless  you  will  affirm,  that  he 
who  prepares  to  invest  a  city  is  still  at  peace  un- 
til the  walls  be  actually  assaulted.  You  cannot, 
surely,  affirm  it !  He  whose  designs,  whose  whole 
conduct  tends  to  reduce  me  to  subjection,  that 
man  is  at  war  with  me,  though  not  a  blow  hath 
yet  been  given,  not  one  weapon  drawn.  And  if 
any  accident  should  happen,  to  what  dangers 
must  you  be  exposed  !  The  Hellespont  will  be  no 
longer  yours  ;  your  enemy  will  become  master  of 
Megara  and  Euboea ;  the  Peloponnesians  will  be 
gained  over  to  his  interests.  And  shall  I  say  that 
the  man  who  is  thus  raising  his  engines,  and  pre- 
paring to  storm  the  city,  is  at  peace  with  you  ? 
No ;  from  that  day  in  which  Phocis  fell  beneath 
his  arms  1  date  his  hostilities  against  you.     If  you 


2  70  The  World's  Orators 

will  instantly  oppose  him,  1  pronounce  you  wise  ; 
if  you  delay,  it  will  not  be  in  your  power  when 
you  are  inclined.  And  so  far,  Athenians,  do  I 
differ  from  some  other  speakers,  that  I  think  it 
now  no  time  to  debate  about  the  Chersonesus  or 
Byzantium  ;  but  that  we  should  immediately  send 
reinforcements,  and  guard  these  places  from  all 
accidents,  supply  the  generals  stationed  there  with 
everything  they  stand  in  need  of,  and  extend  our 
care  to  all  the  Greeks,  now  in  the  greatest  and 
most  imminent  danger.  Let  me  entreat  your  at- 
tention while  I  explain  the  reasons  which  induce 
me  to  be  apprehensive  of  this  danger ;  that,  if 
they  are  just,  you  may  adopt  them,  and  be  provi- 
dent of  your  own  interests  at  least,  if  those  of 
others  do  not  affect  you  ;  or,  if  they  appear  frivo- 
lous and  impertinent,  you  may  now,  and  ever 
hereafter,  neglect  me  as  a  man  of  unsound  mind. 

That  Philip,  from  a  mean  and  inconsiderable 
origin,  hath  advanced  to  greatness  ;  that  suspicion 
and  faction  divide  all  the  Greeks  ;  that  it  is  more 
to  be  admired  that  he  should  become  so  powerful 
from  what  he  was,  than  that  now,  after  such  ac- 
cessions of  strength,  he  should  accomplish  all  his 
ambitious  schemes ;  these,  and  other  like  points 
which  might  be  dwelt  on,  1  choose  to  pass  over. 
But  there  is  one  concession  which,  by  the  influ- 
ence of  your  example,  all  men  have  made  to  him, 
which  hath  heretofore  been  the  cause  of  all  the 


The  Third  Philippic  271 

Grecian  wars.  And  what  is  this?  An  absolute 
power  to  act  as  he  pleases ;  thus  to  harass  and 
plunder  every  State  of  Greece  successively  ;  to 
invade  and  to  enslave  their  cities.  You  held 
the  sovereignty  of  Greece  seventy-three  years ; 
the  Lacedemonians  commanded  for  the  space  of 
twenty-nine  years  ;  and  in  these  latter  times,  after 
the  battle  of  Leuctra,  the  Thebans  were  in  some 
degree  of  eminence.  Yet  neither  to  you,  nor  to 
the  Thebans,  nor  to  the  Lacedaemonians,  did  the 
Greeks  ever  grant  this  uncontrolled  power ;  far 
from  it.  On  the  contrary,  when  you,  or  rather 
the  Athenians  of  that  age,  seemed  to  treat  some 
persons  not  with  due  moderation,  it  was  univer- 
sally resolved  to  take  up  arms ;  even  they  who 
had  no  private  complaints  espoused  the  cause  of 
the  injured.  And  when  the  Lacedemonians  suc- 
ceeded to  your  power,  the  moment  that  they 
attempted  to  enlarge  their  sway,  and  to  make 
such  changes  in  affairs  as  betrayed  their  ambitious 
designs,  they  were  opposed  by  all,  even  by  those 
who  were  not  immediately  affected  by  their  con- 
duct. But  why  do  1  speak  of  others  ?  We  our- 
selves, and  the  Lacedemonians,  though  from  the 
first  we  could  allege  no  injuries  against  each  other, 
yet,  to  redress  the  injured,  thought  ourselves 
bound  to  draw  the  sword.  And  all  the  faults  of 
the  Lacedemonians  in  their  thirty  years,  and  of 
our  ancestors  in  their  seventy  years,  do  not  amount 


2  72  The  World's  Orators 

to  the  outrages  which  Philip  hath  committed 
against  the  Greeks  within  less  than  thirteen  years 
of  power  ;  or  rather,  do  not  all  make  up  the 
smallest  part  of  them.  This  I  shall  easily  prove  in 
a  few  words. 

Olynthus,  and  Methone,  and  Apollonia,  and  the 
two  and  thirty  cities  of  Thrace,  I  pass  all  over ; 
every  one  of  which  felt  such  severe  effects  of  his 
cruelty,  that  an  observer  could  not  easily  determine 
whether  any  of  them  had  ever  been  inhabited 
or  no.  The  destruction  of  the  Phocians,  a  people 
so  considerable,  shall  also  pass  unnoticed.  But 
think  on  the  condition  of  the  Thessalians.  Hath 
he  not  subverted  their  States  and  cities  ?  Hath  he 
not  established  his  tetrarchs  over  them,  that  not 
only  single  towns,  but  whole  countries  might  pay 
him  vassalage  ?  Are  not  the  States  of  Euboea  in 
the  hands  of  tyrants,  and  this  in  an  island  border- 
ing on  Thebes  and  Athens  ?  Are  not  these  the 
express  words  of  his  letters  :  "  They  who  are  will- 
ing to  obey  me  may  expect  peace  from  me "  ? 
And  he  not  only  writes,  but  confirms  his  menaces 
by  actions.  He  marches  directly  to  the  Helles- 
pont :  but  just  before  he  attacked  Ambracia  :  Elis, 
one  of  the  chief  cities  of  Peloponnesus,  is  in  his 
possession  :  not  long  since  he  entertained  designs 
against  Megara.  All  Greece,  all  the  barbarian 
world,  is  too  narrow  for  this  man's  ambition.  And 
though  we  Greeks  see  and  hear  all  this,  we  send 


The  Third  Philippic  273 

no  embassies  to  each  other,  we  express  no  resent- 
ment :  but  into  such  wretchedness  are  we  sunk 
(blocked  up  within  our  several  cities)  that  even  to 
this  day  we  have  not  been  able  to  perform  the 
least  part  of  that  which  our  interest  or  our  duty 
demanded,  to  engage  in  any  associations,  or  to 
form  any  confederacies ;  but  look  with  unconcern 
on  this  man's  growing  power ;  each  fondly  imagin- 
ing (so  far  as  I  can  judge)  that  the  time  in  which 
another  is  destroyed  is  gain  to  him,  without  ever 
consulting  or  acting  for  the  cause  of  Greece  ;  al- 
though no  man  can  be  ignorant  that,  like  the  regu- 
lar periodic  return  of  a  fever,  or  other  disorder,  he 
is  coming  on  those  who  think  themselves  most 
remote  from  danger. 

You  are  also  sensible  that  whatever  injuries  the 
Greeks  suffered  by  the  Lacedemonians,  or  by  us, 
they  suffered  by  the  true  sons  of  Greece.  And  one 
may  consider  it  in  this  light.  Suppose  a  lawful 
heir,  born  to  an  affluence  of  fortune,  should  in 
some  instances  be  guilty  of  misconduct :  he,  in- 
deed, lies  open  to  the  justest  censure  and  reproach  ; 
yet  it  cannot  be  said  that  he  hath  lavished  a  for- 
tune to  which  he  had  no  claim,  no  right  of  inherit- 
ance. But  should  a  slave,  should  a  pretended  son 
waste  those  possessions  which  really  belonged  to 
others,  how  much  more  heinous  would  it  be 
thought :  how  much  more  worthy  of  resentment ! 
And  shall  not  Philip  and  his  actions  raise  the  like 


2  74  The  World's  Orators 

indignation  ?  he  who  is  not  only  no  Greek,  no 
way  allied  to  Greece,  but  sprung  from  a  part  of  the 
barbarian  world  unworthy  to  be  named ;  a  vile 
Macedonian  ;  where  formerly  we  could  not  find  a 
slave  fit  to  purchase.  And  hath  his  insolence 
known  any  bounds  ?  Besides  the  destruction  of 
cities,  doth  he  not  appoint  the  Pythian  games,  the 
common  entertainment  of  Greece  :  and,  if  absent 
himself,  send  his  slaves  to  preside  ?  Is  he  not 
master  of  Thermopylie  ?  Are  not  the  passes  into 
Greece  possessed  by  his  guards  and  mercenaries  ? 
Hath  he  not  assumed  the  honors  of  the  temple,  in 
opposition  to  our  claim,  to  that  of  the  Thessalians, 
that  of  the  Dorians,  and  of  the  other  Amphictyons  ; 
honors  to  which  even  the  Greeks  do  not  all  pre- 
tend ?  Doth  he  not  prescribe  to  the  Thessalians 
how  they  shall  be  governed  ?  Doth  he  not  send 
out  his  forces,  some  to  Porthmus,  to  expel  the 
Eretrian  colony  ;  some  to  Oreum,  to  make  Philis- 
tides  tyrant  ?  And  yet  the  Greeks  see  all  this 
without  the  least  impatience.  Just  as  at  the  fall  of 
hail :  every  one  prays  it  may  not  alight  on  his 
ground,  but  no  one  attempts  to  fend  against  it :  so 
they  not  only  suffer  the  general  wrongs  of  Greece 
to  pass  unpunished,  but  carry  their  insensibility  to 
the  utmost,  and  are  not  roused  even  by  their  pri- 
vate wrongs.  Hath  he  not  attacked  Ambracia  and 
Leucas,  cities  of  the  Corinthians  ?  Hath  he  not 
wrested  Naupactus  from  the  Achaeans,  and  engaged^ 


The  Third  Philippic  275 

by  oath,  to  deliver  it  to  the  /Etolians  ?  Hath  he 
not  robbed  the  Thebans  of  Echinus  ?  Is  he  not  on 
his  march  against  the  Byzantines  ?  And  are  they 
not  our  allies  ?  I  shall  only  add,  that  Cardia,  the 
chief  city  of  the  Chersonesus,  is  in  his  possession. 
Yet  these  things  do  not  affect  us :  we  are  all  lan- 
guid and  irresolute  :  we  watch  the  motions  of 
those  about  us,  and  regard  each  other  with  suspi- 
cious eyes  ;  and  this  when  we  are  all  so  manifestly 
injured.  And  if  he  behaves  with  such  insolence 
towards  the  general  body,  to  what  extravagances, 
think  ye,  will  he  proceed  when  master  of  each 
particular  State  ? 

And  now,  what  is  the  cause  of  all  this  ?  (for 
there  must  be  some  cause,  some  good  reason  to 
be  assigned  why  the  Greeks  were  once  so  jealous 
of  their  liberty,  and  are  now  so  ready  to  submit  to 
slavery).  It  is  this,  Athenians :  formerly,  men's 
minds  were  animated  with  that  which  they  now 
feel  no  longer,  which  conquered  all  the  opulence 
of  Persia,  maintained  the  freedom  of  Greece,  and 
triumphed  over  the  powers  of  sea  and  land  ;  but, 
now  that  it  is  lost,  universal  ruin  and  confusion 
overspread  the  face  of  Greece.  What  is  this  ? 
Nothing  subtle  or  mysterious  ;  nothing  more  than 
a  unanimous  abhorrence  of  all  those  who  accepted 
bribes  from  princes,  prompted  by  the  ambition  of 
subduing,  or  the  bare  intent  of  corrupting,  Greece. 
To  be  guilty  of  such  practices  was  accounted  a 


276  The  World's  Orators 

crime  of  the  blackest  kind  ;  a  crime  which  called 
for  all  the  severity  of  public  justice.  No  petition- 
ing for  mercy,  no  pardon  was  allowed.  So  that 
neither  orator  nor  general  could  sell  those  favorable 
conjunctures  with  which  fortune  oftentimes  assists 
the  supine  against  the  vigilant,  and  renders  men 
utterly  regardless  of  their  interests  superior  to 
those  who  exert  their  utmost  efforts ;  nor  were 
mutual  confidences  among  ourselves,  distrust  of 
tyrants  and  barbarians,  and  suchlike  noble  prin- 
ciples, subject  to  the  power  of  gold.  But  now  are 
all  these  exposed  to  sale,  as  in  a  public  mart ;  and, 
in  exchange,  such  things  have  been  introduced  as 
have  affected  the  safety,  the  very  vitals  of  Greece. 
What  are  these  ?  Envy,  when  a  man  hath  re- 
ceived a  bribe  ;  laughter,  if  he  confesses  it ;  pardon, 
if  he  be  convicted ;  resentment,  at  his  being  ac- 
cused ;  and  all  the  other  appendages  of  corruption. 
For,  as  to  naval  power,  troops,  revenues,  and  all 
kinds  of  preparations,  everything  that  is  esteemed 
the  strength  of  a  State,  we  are  now  much  better 
and  more  amply  provided  than  formerly  ;  but  they 
have  lost  all  their  force,  all  their  efficacy,  all  their 
value,  by  means  of  such  traffickers. 

That  such  is  our  present  state  you  yourselves 
are  witnesses,  and  need  not  any  testimony  from 
me.  That  our  state  in  former  times  was  quite 
opposite  to  this  I  shall  now  convince  you,  not  by 
any  arguments  of  mine,  but  by  a  decree  of  your 


The  Third  Philippic  277 

ancestors,  which  they  inscribed  on  a  brazen  column 
erected  in  the  citadel ;  not  with  a  view  to  their 
own  advantage  (they  needed  no  such  memorials 
to  inspire  them  with  just  sentiments),  but  that  it 
might  descend  to  you  as  an  example  of  the  great 
attention  due  to  such  affairs.  Hear,  then,  the  in- 
scription :  ''Let  Arthmius  of  Zelia,  the  son  of 
Pythonax,  be  accounted  infamous,  and  an  enemy 
to  the  Athenians  and  their  allies,  both  he  and  all 
his  race. "  Then  comes  the  reason  of  his  sentence  : 
"  Because  he  brought  gold  from  Media  into  Pelo- 
ponnesus " — not  to  Athens.  This  is  the  decree. 
And  now,  in  the  name  of  all  the  gods,  reflect  on 
this  !  think  what  wisdom,  what  dignity  appeared 
in  this  action  of  our  ancestors  !  One  Arthmius  of 
Zelia,  a  slave  of  the  King's  (for  Zelia  is  a  city  of 
Asia),  in  obedience  to  his  master,  brings  gold,  not 
into  Athens,  but  Peloponnesus.  This  man  they 
declare  an  enemy  to  them  and  their  confederates, 
and  that  he  and  his  posterity  shall  be  infamous. 
Nor  was  this  merely  a  mark  of  ignominy  ;  for  how 
did  it  concern  this  Zelite  whether  he  was  to  be 
received  into  the  community  of  Athens  or  no  ? 
The  sentence  imported  something  more  ;  for  in  the 
laws  relating  to  capital  cases,  it  is  enacted  that : 
"When  the  legal  punishment  of  a  man's  crime 
cannot  be  inflicted,  he  may  be  put  to  death."  And 
it  was  accounted  meritorious  to  kill  him.  "  Let  not 
the  infamous  man,"  saith  the  law,  "be  permitted 


2  78  The  World's  Orators 

to  live."  Intimating  that  he  is  free  from  guilt  who 
executes  this  sentence. 

Our  fathers,  therefore,  thought  themselves 
bound  to  extend  their  care  to  all  Greece  ;  else  they 
must  have  looked  with  unconcern  at  the  introduc- 
tion of  bribery  into  Peloponnesus.  But  we  find 
they  proceeded  to  such  severity  against  all  they 
could  detect  in  it  as  to  raise  monuments  of  their 
crimes.  Hence  it  was  (and  no  wonder)  that  the 
Greeks  were  a  terror  to  the  barbarians,  not  the 
barbarians  to  the  Greeks.  But  now  it  is  not  so  ; 
for  you  do  not  show  the  same  spirit  on  such  or  on 
any  other  occasions.  How  then  do  you  behave  ? 
You  need  not  be  informed.  Why  should  the 
whole  censure  fall  on  you  ?  the  conduct  of  the 
rest  of  Greece  is  no  less  blamable.  It  is  my 
opinion,  therefore,  that  the  present  state  of  things 
demands  the  utmost  care  and  most  salutary 
counsel.  What  counsel  ?  Shall  I  propose  it  ?  and 
will  ye  not  be  offended  ?  Read  this  memorial. 
[The  memorial  is  read.] 

And  here  I  must  take  notice  of  one  weak  argu- 
ment made  use  of  to  inspire  us  with  confidence : 
that  Philip  is  not  yet  so  powerful  as  the  Lacedae- 
monians once  were,  who  commanded  by  sea  and 
land,  were  strengthened  by  the  alliance  of  the  King, 
were  absolute  and  uncontrolled  ;  and  yet  we  made 
a  brave  stand  against  them  ;  nor  was  all  their  force 
able  to  crush  our  State.    In  answer  to  this,  I  shall 


The  Third  Philippic  279 

observe,  that  amid  all  the  alterations  and  improve- 
ments which  have  happened  in  affairs  of  every 
kind,  nothing  hath  been  more  improved  than  the 
art  of  war :  for,  in  the  first  place,  I  am  informed 
that  at  that  time  the  Lacedaemonians  and  all  the 
other  Greeks  used  to  keep  the  field  four  or  five 
months,  just  the  convenient  season  ;  and  having 
so  long  continued  their  invasion,  and  infested  the 
territories  of  their  enemy  with  their  heavy  armed 
and  domestic  forces,  they  retired  into  their  own 
country.  Then,  such  was  the  simplicity,  I  should 
say  the  national  spirit,  of  that  age,  that  the  power 
of  gold  was  never  called  to  their  assistance  ;  but  all 
their  wars  were  fair  and  open.  Now,  on  the  con- 
trary, we  see  most  defeats  owing  to  treachery  ;  no 
formal  engagements,  nothing  left  to  the  decision 
of  arms.  For  you  find  the  rapid  progress  of  Philip 
is  not  owing  to  the  force  of  regular  troops,  but  to 
armies  composed  of  light  horse  and  foreign  archers. 
With  these  he  pours  down  on  some  people  already 
engaged  by  civil  discord  and  commotions ;  and 
when  none  will  venture  out  in  defence  of  their 
State,  on  account  of  their  private  suspicions,  he 
brings  up  his  engines,  and  attacks  their  walls  ;  not 
to  mention  his  absolute  indifference  to  heat  and 
cold,  and  that  there  is  no  peculiar  season  which  he 
gives  to  pleasure.  Let  these  things  sink  deep  into 
all  our  minds :  let  us  not  suffer  his  arms  to  ap- 
proach these  territories  :  let  us  not  proudly  depend 


28o  The  World's  Orators 

on  our  strength,  by  forming  our  judgments  from 
the  old  Lacedaemonian  war ;  but  let  us  attend  with 
all  possible  precaution  to  our  interests  and  our 
armaments ;  and  let  this  be  our  point  in  view — 
to  confine  him  to  his  own  kingdom  ;  not  to  engage 
him  on  equal  terms  in  the  field.  For  if  you  be 
satisfied  with  committing  hostilities,  there  Nature 
hath  given  you  many  advantages.  (Let  us  but  do 
our  part.)  The  situation  of  his  kingdom,  for  in- 
stance, exposes  it  to  all  the  fury  of  an  enemy  ;  not 
to  speak  of  many  other  circumstances.  But  if  we 
once  come  to  a  regular  engagement,  there  his 
experience  must  give  him  the  superiority. 

But  these  are  not  the  only  points  which  require 
your  attention  :  nor  are  you  to  oppose  him  only  by 
the  arts  of  war.  It  is  also  necessary  that  reason 
and  penetration  should  inspire  you  with  an  abhor- 
rence of  those  who  plead  his  cause  before  you ; 
ever  bearing  in  mind  the  absolute  impossibility  of 
conquering  our  foreign  enemy  until  we  have  pun- 
ished those  who  are  serving  him  within  our  walls. 
But  this,  1  call  the  powers  of  heaven  to  witness,  ye 
cannot,  ye  will  not  do  !  No  :  such  is  your  infatua- 
tion, or  madness,  or — 1  know  not  what  to  call  it 
(for  1  am  oftentimes  tempted  to  believe  that  some 
power  more  than  human  is  driving  .us  to  ruin), 
that  through  malice,  or  envy,  or  a  spirit  of  ridicule, 
or  some  like  motive,  you  command  hirelings  to 
speak  (some  of  whom  dare  not  deny  that  they  are 


The  Third  PhiHppic  281 

hirelings),  and  make  their  calumnies  serve  your 
mirth.  Yet,  shocking  as  this  is,  there  is  some- 
thing still  more  shocking :  these  men  are  allowed 
to  direct  the  public  affairs  with  greater  security 
than  your  faithful  counsellors.  And  now,  observe 
the  dreadful  consequences  of  listening  to  such 
wretches.  I  shall  mention  facts  well  known  to 
you  all. 

In  Olynthus,  the  administration  of  affairs  was 
divided  between  two  parties ;  the  one,  in  the 
interest  of  Philip,  entirely  devoted  to  him  ;  the 
other,  inspired  by  true  patriotism,  directed  all  their 
efforts  to  preserve  the  freedom  of  their  country. 
To  which  of  these  are  we  to  charge  the  ruin  of  the 
State ;  or  who  betrayed  the  troops,  and  by  that 
treachery  destroyed  Olynthus  ?  The  creatures  of 
Philip.  Yet,  while  their  city  stood,  these  men 
pursued  the  advocates  for  liberty  with  such  mali- 
cious accusations  and  invectives  that  an  assembly 
of  the  people  was  persuaded  even  to  banish 
Apollonides. 

But  this  is  not  the  only  instance.  The  same 
custom  hath  produced  the  same  calamities  in  other 
places.  In  Eretria,  at  the  departure  of  Plutarchus 
and  the  foreign  troops,  when  the  people  had  pos- 
session of  the  city  and  of  Porthmus,  some  were 
inclined  to  seek  our  protection,  some  to  submit  to 
Philip.  But,  being  influenced  by  this  latter  party 
on  most,  or  rather  all  occasions,  the  poor  unfortunate 


282  The  World's  Orators 

Eretrians  were  at  length  persuaded  to  banish 
their  faithful  counsellors.  And  the  consequence 
was  this  :  Philip,  their  confederate  and  friend, 
detached  a  thousand  mercenaries  under  the  com- 
mand of  Hipponicus,  razed  the  fortifications  of 
Porthmus,  set  three  tyrants  over  them,  Hip- 
parchus,  Automedon,  and  Clitarchus ;  and  after 
that,  when  they  discovered  some  inclination  to 
shake  off  the  yoke,  drove  them  twice  out  of  their 
territory  ;  once  by  the  forces  commanded  by 
Eurylochus,  and  again  by  those  under  Parmenio. 

To  give  but  one  instance  more.  In  Oreum, 
Philistides  was  the  agent  of  Philip ;  as  were 
Menippus,  and  Socrates,  and  Thoas,  and  Agapasus, 
the  present  masters  of  that  city.  And  this  was 
universally  known.  But  there  was  one  Euphrasus, 
a  man  for  some  time  resident  at  Athens,  who 
stood  up  against  captivity  and  slavery.  Much 
might  be  said  of  the  injurious  and  contemptuous 
treatment  which  he  received  from  the  people  of 
Oreum  on  other  occasions.  But  the  year  before 
the  taking  of  the  city,  as  he  saw  through  the 
traitorous  designs  of  Philistides  and  his  accom- 
plices, he  brought  a  formal  impeachment  against 
them.  Immediately  considerable  numbers  form 
themselves  into  a  faction  (directed  and  supported 
by  Philip),  and  hurry  away  Euphrasus  to  prison, 
as  a  disturber  of  the  public  peace.  The  people  of 
Oreum  were  witnesses  of  this ;  but  instead  of 


The  Third  Phihppic  283 

defending  him,  and  bringing  his  enemies  to  con- 
dign punishment,  showed  no  resentment  towards 
them  ;  but  approved,  and  triumphed  in  his  suffer- 
ings. And  now  the  faction,  possessed  of  all  the 
power  they  wished  for,  laid  their  schemes  for  the 
ruin  of  the  city,  and  were  carrying  them  into 
execution.  Among  the  people,  if  any  man  per- 
ceived this  he  was  silent ;  struck  with  the  remem- 
brance of  Euphrasus  and  his  sufferings.  And  to 
such  dejection  were  they  reduced,  that  no  one 
dared  to  express  the  least  apprehension  of  the 
approaching  danger,  until  the  enemy  drew  up 
before  their  walls,  and  prepared  for  an  assault. 
Then  some  defended,  others  betrayed  their  State. 
When  the  city  had  thus  been  shamefully  and 
basely  lost,  the  faction  began  to  exercise  the  most 
tyrannic  power ;  having,  either  by  banishment  or 
death,  removed  all  those  who  had  asserted  their 
own  cause  and  that  of  Euphr^us  ;  and  were  still 
ready  for  any  noble  enterprise.  Euphrasus  himself 
put  an  end  to  his  own  life  ;  and  thus  gave  proof 
that,  in  his  opposition  to  Philip,  he  had  been 
actuated  by  a  just  and  pure  regard  to  the  interests 
of  his  country. 

And  now,  what  could  be  the  reason  (you  may 
possibly  ask  with  surprise)  that  the  people  of 
Olynthus,  and  those  of  Eretria,  and  those  of  Oreum, 
all  attended  with  greater  pleasure  to  the  advocates 
of  Philip  than  to  their  own  friends  ?    The  same 


284  The  World's  Orators 

reason  which  prevails  here.  Because  they  who 
are  engaged  on  the  part  of  truth  and  justice  can 
never,  even  if  they  were  inclined,  advance  any- 
thing to  recommend  themselves  to  favor ;  their 
whole  concern  is  for  the  welfare  of  their  State. 
The  others  need  but  to  soothe  and  flatter  in  order 
to  second  the  designs  of  Philip.  The  one  press 
for  supplies;  the  others  insist  that  they  are  not 
wanted ;  the  one  call  their  countrymen  to  battle, 
and  alarm  them  with  apprehensions  of  danger ; 
the  others  are  ever  recommending  peace,  until  the 
toils  come  too  near  to  be  escaped.  And  thus,  on 
all  occasions,  one  set  of  men  speak  but  to  insinuate 
themselves  into  the  affections  of  their  fellow-citi- 
zens ;  the  other  to  preserve  them  from  ruin  ;  till  at 
last  the  interests  of  the  State  are  given  up ;  not 
corruptly  or  ignorantly,  but  from  a  desperate  pur- 
pose of  yielding  to  the  fate  of  a  constitution 
thought  to  be  irrecoverably  lost.  And,  by  the 
powers  of  heaven  !  I  dread  that  this  may  prove  to 
be  your  case,  when  you  find  that  reflection  cannot 
serve  you  !  And  when  1  turn  my  eyes  to  the 
men  who  have  reduced  you  to  this,  it  is  not  terror 
that  1  feel ;  it  is  the  utmost  detestation.  For 
whether  they  act  through  design  or  ignorance,  the 
distress  to  which  they  are  reducing  us  is  manifest. 
But  far  be  this  distress  from  us,  Athenians !  It 
were  better  to  die  ten  thousand  deaths  than  to  be 
guilty  of  a  servile  compliance  to  Philip,  and  to 


The  Third  PhiHppic  285 

abandon  any  of  your  faithful  counsellors !  The 
people  of  Oreum  have  now  met  a  noble  return  for 
their  confidence  in  Philip's  creatures  and  their  vio- 
lence towards  Euphrsus.  The  Eretrians  are  nobly 
rewarded  for  driving  out  our  ambassadors,  and 
committing  their  affairs  to  Clitarchus.  Captivity, 
and  stripes,  and  racks  are  their  reward.  Great 
was  his  indulgence  to  the  Olynthians,  for  choosing 
Lasthenes  their  general,  and  banishing  Apollon- 
ides.  It  were  folly  and  baseness  to  be  amused 
with  such  false  hopes  as  theirs,  when  neither  our 
counsels  direct  us  nor  our  inclinations  prompt  us 
to  the  pursuit  of  our  true  interests,  and  to  suffer 
those  who  speak  for  our  enemies  to  persuade  us 
that  the  State  is  too  powerful  to  be  affected  by  any 
accident  whatever.  It  is  shameful  to  cry  out, 
when  some  event  hath  surprised  us,  "Heavens! 
who  could  have  expected  this  ?  We  should  have 
acted  thus  and  thus,  and  avoided  these  and  these 
errors."  There  are  many  things  the  Olynthians 
can  now  mention  which,  if  foreseen  in  time,  would 
have  prevented  their  destruction.  The  people  of 
Oreum  can  mention  many  ;  those  of  Phocis  many ; 
every  State  that  hath  been  destroyed  can  mention 
many  such  things.  But  what  doth  it  avail  them 
now  ?  While  the  vessel  is  safe,  whether  it  be 
great  or  small,  the  mariner,  the  pilot,  every  person 
should  exert  himself  in  his  particular  station,  and 
preserve  it  from  being  wrecked  either  by  villainy  or 


286  The  World's  Orators 

unskilfulness.  But  when  the  sea  hath  once  broken 
in,  all  care  is  vain.  And  therefore,  Athenians,  while 
we  are  yet  safe,  possessed  of  a  powerful  city, 
favored  with  many  resources,  our  reputation  illus- 
trious— what  are  we  to  do  ?  (Perhaps  some  have 
sat  with  impatience  to  ask.)  I  shall  now  give  my 
opinion,  and  propose  it  in  such  form,  that,  if  ap- 
proved, your  voices  may  confirm  it. 

Having,  in  the  first  place,  provided  for  your 
defence,  fitted  out  our  navy,  raised  your  supplies, 
and  arrayed  your  forces  (for,  although  all  other 
people  should  submit  to  slavery,  you  should  still 
contend  for  freedom)  ;  having  made  such  a  pro- 
vision, I  say,  and  this  in  the  sight  of  Greece,  then 
we  are  to  call  others  to  their  duty  ;  and,  for  this 
purpose,  to  send  ambassadors  into  all  parts,  to 
Peloponnesus,  to  Rhodes,  to  Chios,  and  even  to 
the  King  (for  he  is  by  no  means  unconcerned  in 
opposing  the  rapidity  of  this  man's  progress).  If 
ye  prevail,  ye  will  have  shares  in  the  dangers  and 
expense  which  may  arise  ;  at  least  you  may  gain 
some  respite  ;  and,  as  we  are  engaged  against  a 
single  person,  and  not  to  the  united  powers  of  a 
commonwealth,  this  may  be  of  advantage ;  as 
were  those  embassies  of  last  year  into  Pelopon- 
nesus, and  those  remonstrances  which  were  made 
in  several  places  by  me  and  Polydatus,  that  true 
patriot,  and  Hegesippus,  and  Clitomachus,  and 
Lycurgus,  and  the  other  ministers,  which  checked 


The  Third  Philippic  287 

his  progress,  prevented  his  attack  on  Ambracia, 
and  secured  Peloponnesus  from  an  invasion. 

I  do  not  mean  that  we  should  endeavor  to  raise 
that  spirit  abroad  which  we  ourselves  are  unwill- 
ing to  assume.  It  would  be  absurd  to  neglect  our 
own  interests,  and  yet  pretend  a  regard  for  the 
common  cause ;  or,  while  we  are  insensible  to 
present  dangers,  to  think  of  alarming  others  with 
apprehensions  for  futurity.  No  ;  let  us  provide  the 
forces  in  the  Chersonesus  with  money,  and  every- 
thing else  that  they  desire.  Let  us  begin  with 
vigor  on  our  part ;  then  call  on  the  other  Greeks  ; 
convene,  instruct,  exhort  them.  Thus  it  becomes 
a  State  of  such  dignity  as  ours.  If  you  think  the 
protection  of  Greece  may  be  intrusted  to  the  Chal- 
cidians  and  Megareans,  and  so  desert  its  cause, 
you  do  not  think  justly.  It  will  be  well  if  they 
can  protect  themselves.  No  ;  this  is  your  prov- 
ince :  this  is  that  prerogative  transmitted  from 
your  ancestors,  the  reward  of  all  their  many,  and 
glorious,  and  great  dangers.  If  every  man  sits 
down  in  ease  and  indulgence,  and  studies  only  to 
avoid  trouble,  he  will  certainly  find  no  one  to 
supply  his  place  ;  and  I  am  also  apprehensive  that 
we  may  be  forced  into  all  that  trouble  to  which 
we  are  so  averse.  Were  there  persons  to  act  in 
our  stead,  our  inactivity  would  have  long  since 
discovered  them  ;  but  there  are  really  none. 

You  have  now  heard  my  sentiments.    You  have 


288 


The  World's  Orators 


heard  the  measures  I  propose,  and  by  which  I 
apprehend  our  affairs  may  be  yet  retrieved.  If  any 
man  can  offer  some  more  salutary  course,  let  him 
rise  and  declare  his  opinion.  And,  whatever  be 
your  resolution,  the  gods  grant  that  we  may  feel 
its  good  effects ! 

Translated  by  Thomas  Leland,  D.  D. 


ON  THE  CHERSONESUS 

[Selection.]  Demosthenes. 

The  Thracian  Chersonesus  was  a  second  Thermopylae  to  Athens,  the  bulwark 
of  her  maritime  empire  on  the  north.  As  it  commanded  the  corn  trade  of  the 
Black  Sea,  on  its  safety  depended  the  very  subsistence  of  Athens.  Philip  at- 
tempted to  veil  his  designs  on  the  Chersonesus  under  the  guise  of  a  remonstrance 
against  Diopseithes,  who  had  charge  of  the  Athenian  mercenaries  there.  In  this 
speech,  Demosthenes  holds  that  the  real  subject  of  debate  was  not  the  conduct  of 
Diopseithes,  but  the  safetyof  the  Chersonesus. 

AND  now,  in  the  name  of  Heaven  !  suppose 
that  the  States  of  Greece  should  thus  de- 
mand an  account  of  those  opportunities  which 
your  indolence  hath  lost.  "  Men  of  Athens  !  you 
are  ever  sending  embassies  to  us  ;  you  assure  us 
that  Philip  is  projecting  our  ruin,  and  that,  of  all 
the  Greeks,  you  warn  us  to  guard  against  this 
man's  designs."  (And  it  is  too  true  we  have  done 
this.)  ''But,  O  most  wretched  of  mankind! 
when  this  man  hath  been  ten  months  detained 
abroad  ;  when  sickness,  and  the  severity  of  winter, 
and  the  armies  of  his  enemies  rendered  it  impos- 
sible for  him  to  return  home,  you  neither  restored 
the  liberty  of  Euboea,  nor  recovered  any  of  your 
own  dominions.     But  while  you  sit  at  home  in 

VOL.Z.-X,.  ^g^ 


290  The  World's  Orators 

perfect  ease  and  health  (if  such  a  state  may  be 
called  health),  Euboea  is  commanded  by  his  two 
tyrants ;  the  one,  just  opposite  to  Attica,  to  keep 
you  perpetually  in  awe  ;  the  other  to  Scyathus. 
Yet  you  have  not  attempted  to  oppose  even  this. 
No  ;  you  have  submitted;  you  have  been  insensible 
to  your  wrongs ;  you  have  fu41y  declared,  that  if 
Philip  were  ten  times  to  die,  it  would  not  inspire 
you  with  the  least  degree  of  vigor.  Why  then 
these  embassies,  these  accusations,  all  this  unne- 
cessary trouble  to  us  ?  "  If  they  should  say  this, 
what  could  we  allege  ?  what  answer  could  we 
give  ?    1  know  not. 

We  have  those  among  us  who  think  a  speaker 
fully  confuted  by  asking,  "What  then  is  to  be 
done  ? "  To  whom  I  answer,  with  the  utmost 
truth  and  justness,  ''Not  what  we  are  now  doing." 
But  I  shall  be  more  explicit,  if  they  will  be  as 
ready  to  follow  as  to  ask  advice. 

First,  then,  Athenians,  be  firmly  convinced  of 
these  truths  :  that  Philip  does  commit  hostilities 
against  us,  and  has  violated  the  peace  (and  let  us 
no  longer  accuse  each  other  of  his  crimes)  ;  that 
he  is  the  implacable  enemy  of  this  whole  city, 
of  the  ground  on  which  this  city  stands,  of  every 
inhabitant  within  these  walls,  even  of  those  who 
imagine  themselves  highest  in  his  favor.  If  they 
doubt  this,  let  them  think  of  Euthycrates  and  Las- 
thenes,  the  Olynthians.    They  who  seemed  the 


On  the  Chersonesus  291 

nearest  to  his  heart,  the  moment  they  betrayed 
their  country,  were  distinguished  only  by  the 
superior  cruelty  of  their  death.  But  it  is  against 
our  constitution  that  his  arms  are  principally  di- 
rected ;  nor,  in  all  his  schemes,  in  all  his  actions, 
hath  he  anything  so  immediately  in  view  as  to 
subvert  it.  And  there  is  in  some  sort  a  necessity 
for  this.  He  knows  full  well  that  his  conquests, 
however  great  and  extensive,  can  never  be  secure 
while  you  continue  free  ;  but  that,  if  once  he  meets 
with  any  accident  (and  every  man  is  subject  to 
many),  all  those  whom  he  hath  forced  into  his 
service  will  instantly  revolt,  and  fly  to  you  for  pro- 
tection :  for  you  are  not  naturally  disposed  to  grasp 
at  empire  yourselves,  but  to  frustrate  the  ambi- 
tious attempts  of  others  ;  to  be  ever  ready  to 
oppose  usurpation,  and  assert  the  liberty  of  man- 
kind ;  this  is  your  peculiar  character.  And,  there- 
fore, it  is  not  without  regret  that  he  sees  in  your 
freedom  a  spy  on  the  incidents  of  his  fortune. 
Nor  is  this  his  reasoning  weak  or  trivial. 

In  the  first  place,  therefore,  we  are  to  consider 
him  as  the  enemy  of  our  State,  the  implacable 
enemy  of  our  free  constitution.  Nothing  but  the 
deepest  sense  of  this  can  give  you  a  true,  vigorous, 
and  active  spirit.  In  the  next  place,  be  assured 
that  everything  he  is  now  laboring,  everything  he 
is  concerting,  he  is  concerting  against  our  city  ; 
and  that,  wherever  any  man  opposes  him,  he  op- 


292  The  World's  Orators 

poses  an  attempt  against  these  walls  :  for  none  of 
you  can  be  weak  enough  to  imagine  that  Philip's 
desires  are  centred  in  those  paltry  villages  of 
Thrace  (for  what  name  else  can  one  give  to 
Drongilus,  and  Cabyle,  and  Mastira,  and  all  those 
places  he  is  now  reducing  to  his  obedience  ?)  ;  that 
he  endures  the  severity  of  toils  and  seasons,  and 
braves  the  utmost  dangers  for  these,  and  has  no 
designs  on  the  ports,  and  the  arsenals,  and  the 
navies,  and  the  silver  mines,  and  all  the  other 
revenues  of  Athens ;  but  that  he  will  leave  them 
for  you  to  enjoy  ;  while,  for  some  wretched  hoards 
of  grain  in  the  cells  of  Thrace,  he  takes  up  his  win- 
ter quarters  in  the  horrors  of  a  dungeon.  Impos- 
sible !  No  ;  these  and  all  his  expeditions  are  really 
intended  to  facilitate  the  conquest  of  Athens. 

Let  us,  then,  approve  ourselves  men  of  wisdom; 
and,  fully  persuaded  of  these  truths,  let  us  shake 
off  our  extravagant  and  dangerous  supineness; 
let  us  supply  the  necessary  expenses;  let  us  call 
on  our  allies;  let  us  take  all  possible  measures  for 
keeping  up  a  regular  army;  so  that,  as  he  hath  his 
force  constantly  prepared  to  injure  and  enslave 
the  Greeks,  yours,  too,  may  be  ever  ready  to 
protect  and  assist  them.  If  you  depend  on  oc- 
casional detachments,  you  cannot  ever  expect  the 
least  degree  of  success;  you  must  keep  an  army 
constantly  on  foot,  provide  for  its  maintenance, 
appoint   public   treasurers,   and    by    all    possible 


On  the  Chersonesus  293 

means  secure  your  military  funds;  and  while 
these  officers  account  for  all  disbursements,  let 
your  generals  be  bound  to  answer  for  the  conduct 
of  the  war.  Let  these  be  your  measures,  these 
your  resolutions,  and  you  will  compel  Philip  to 
live  in  the  real  observance  of  an  equitable  peace, 
and  to  confine  himself  to  his  own  kingdom 
(which  is  most  for  our  interest),  or  we  shall  fight 
him  on  equal  terms. 

If  any  man  thinks  that  the  measures  I  propose 
will  require  great  expense,  and  be  attended  with 
much  toil  and  trouble,  he  thinks  justly.  Yet,  let 
him  consider  what  consequences  must  attend  the 
State  if  these  measures  be  neglected,  and  it  will 
appear  that  we  shall  really  be  gainers  by  engaging 
heartily  in  this  cause.  Suppose  some  god  should 
be  our  surety  (for  no  mortal  ought  to  be  relied 
on  in  an  affair  of  such  moment)  that,  if  we  con- 
tinue quiet  and  give  up  all  our  interests,  he  will 
not  at  last  turn  his  arms  against  us;  it  would  yet 
be  shameful;  it  would  (I  call  all  the  powers  of 
heaven  to  witness!)  be  unworthy  of  you,  un- 
worthy the  dignity  of  your  country  and  the  glory 
of  your  ancestors,  to  abandon  the  rest  of  Greece 
to  slavery  for  the  sake  of  private  ease.  I,  for  my 
part,  would  die  rather  than  propose  so  mean  a 
conduct ;  however,  if  there  be  any  other  person 
who  will  recommend  it,  be  it  so;  neglect  your 
defence;  give  up  your  interests!    But  if  there  be 


294  The  World's  Orators 

no  such  counsellor;  if,  on  the  contrary,  we  all 
foresee  that  the  farther  this  man  is  suffered  to 
extend  his  conquests,  the  more  formidable  and 
powerful  enemy  we  must  find  in  him,  why  this 
reluctance  ?  why  do  we  delay  ?  or  when,  my 
countrymen,  will  we  perform  our  duty  ?  Must 
some  necessity  compel  us?  What  one  may  call 
the  necessity  of  freemen  not  only  presses  us  now, 
but  hath  long  since  been  felt;  that  of  slaves,  it  is 
to  be  wished,  may  never  approach  us.  And  how 
do  these  differ?  To  a  freeman,  the  disgrace  of 
past  misconduct  is  the  most  urgent  necessity;  to  a 
slave,  stripes  and  bodily  pains.  Far  be  this  from 
us!    It  ought  not  to  be  mentioned. 

Nor  is  the  danger  which  threatens  us  the  same 
with  that  of  other  people.  It  is  not  the  conquest 
of  Athens  which  Philip  aims  at.  No  ;  it  is  our  utter 
extirpation.  He  knows  full  well  that  slavery  is  a 
state  you  would  not,  or,  if  you  were  inclined,  you 
could  not  submit  to;  for  sovereignty  is  become 
habitual  to  you.  Nor  is  he  ignorant  that,  at  any 
unfavorable  juncture,  you  have  more  power  to 
obstruct  his  enterprises  than  the  whole  world 
beside. 

Let  us  then  be  assured  that  we  are  contending 
for  the  very  being  of  our  State.  Let  this  inspire  us 
with  abhorrence  of  those  who  have  sold  them- 
selves to  this  man,  and  let  them  feel  the  severity 
of  public  justice  ;  for  it  is  not  possible  to  conquer 


On  the  Chersonesus  295 

our  foreign  enemy  until  we  have  punished  those 
traitors  who  are  serving  him  within  our  walls. 
Else,  while  we  strike  on  these  as  so  many  ob- 
stacles, our  enemies  must  necessarily  prove  super- 
ior to  us.  And  whence  is  it  that  he  dares  treat 
you  with  insolence  (I  cannot  give  his  present 
conduct  any  other  name),  that  he  utters  menaces 
against  you,  while  on  others  he  confers  acts  of 
kindness  (to  deceive  them  at  least,  if  for  no  other 
purpose)?  Thus,  by  heaping  favors  on  the  Thes- 
salians,  he  hath  reduced  them  to  their  present 
slavery.  It  is  not  possible  to  recount  the  various 
artifices  by  which  he  abused  the  wretched  Olyn- 
thians,  from  his  first  insidious  gift  of  Potidas.  But 
now  he  seduced  the  Thebans  to  his  party,  by 
making  them  masters  of  Boeotia,  and  easing  them 
of  a  great  and  grievous  war.  And  thus,  by  being 
gratified  in  some  favorite  point,  these  people  are 
either  involved  in  calamities  known  to  the  whole 
world,  or  wait  with  submission  for  the  moment 
when  such  calamities  are  to  fall  on  them.  1  do 
not  recount  all  that  you  yourselves  have  lost, 
Athenians ;  but  in  the  very  conclusion  of  the 
peace,  how  have  you  been  deceived  ?  how  have 
you  been  despoiled  ?  Was  not  Phocis,  was  not 
Thermopyl^,  were  not  our  Thracian  dominions, 
Doriscum,  Serrium,  and  even  our  ally  Cerso- 
bleptes,  all  wrested  from  us?  Is  he  not  at  this 
time  in   possession   of  Cardia,  and  does  he  not 


296  The  World's  Orators 

avow  it  ?  Whence  is  it,  I  say,  that  he  treats  you 
in  so  singular  a  manner?  Because  ours  is  the 
only  State  where  is  allowed  full  liberty  to  plead 
the  cause  of  an  enemy ;  and  the  man  who  sells 
his  country  may  harangue  securely,  at  the  very 
time  that  you  are  despoiled  of  your  dominions. 
It  was  not  safe  to  speak  for  Philip  at  Olynthus 
until  the  people  of  Olynthus  had  been  gained  by 
the  surrender  of  Potidie.  In  Thessaly,  it  was  not 
safe  to  speak  for  Philip  until  the  Thessalians  had 
been  gained  by  the  expulsion  of  the  tyrants  and 
the  recovery  of  their  rank  of  Amphictyons ;  nor 
could  it  have  been  safely  attempted  at  Thebes 
before  he  had  restored  Boeotia  and  extirpated  the 
Phocians.  But  at  Athens,  although  he  hath 
robbed  us  of  Amphipolis  and  the  territory  of 
Cardia ;  though  he  awes  us  with  his  fortifications 
in  Euboea  ;  though  he  be  now  on  his  march  to 
Byzantium  ;  yet  his  partisans  may  speak  for  Philip 
without  any  danger.  Hence,  some  of  them,  from 
the  meanest  poverty,  have  on  a  sudden  risen  to 
affluence ;  some,  from  obscurity  and  disgrace,  to 
eminence  and  honor ;  while  you,  on  the  contrary, 
from  glory,  have  sunk  into  meanness ;  from  riches, 
to  poverty ;  for  the  riches  of  a  State  I  take  to  be 
its  allies,  its  credit,  its  connections ;  in  all  of 
which  you  are  poor.  And  by  your  neglect  of 
these,  by  your  utter  insensibility  to  your  wrongs, 
he  is  become  fortunate  and  great,  the  terror  of  the 


On  the  Chersonesus  297 

Greeks  and  barbarians ;  and  you  abandoned  and 
despised ;  splendid,  indeed,  in  the  abundance  of 
your  markets ;  but  as  to  any  real  provision  for 
your  security,  ridiculously  deficient. 

I  have  heard  it  objected,  "That  indeed  I  ever 
speak  with  reason ;  yet  still  this  is  no  more  than 
words :  that  the  State  requires  something  more 
effectual,  some  vigorous  action."  On  which  I 
shall  give  my  sentiments  without  the  least  re- 
serve. The  sole  business  of  a  speaker  is,  in  my 
opinion,  to  propose  the  course  you  are  to  pursue. 
This  were  easy  to  be  proved.  You  know,  that 
when  the  great  Timotheus  moved  you  to  defend 
the  Euboeans  against  the  tyranny  of  Thebes,  he 
addressed  you  thus:  ''What,  my  countrymen! 
when  the  Thebans  are  actually  in  the  island,  are 
you  deliberating  what  is  to  be  done  ?  what  part 
to  be  taken  ?  Will  you  not  cover  the  seas  with 
your  navies?  Why  are  you  not  at  the  Pir^us? 
why  are  you  not  embarked  ?  "  Thus  Timotheus 
advised  ;  thus  you  acted,  and  success  ensued.  But 
had  he  spoken  with  the  same  spirit,  and  had  your 
indolence  prevailed,  and  his  advice  been  rejected, 
would  the  State  have  had  the  same  success  ?  By 
no  means.  And  so  in  the  present  case  ;  vigor  and 
execution  is  your  part ;  from  you  are  to  be  ex- 
pected only  wisdom  and  integrity. 

1  shall  give  simply  the  summary  of  my  counsel, 
and  then  descend.  You  should  raise  supplies  ;  you 


298  The  World's  Orators 

should  keep  up  your  present  forces,  and  reform 
whatever  abuses  may  be  found  in  them  (not  break 
them  entirely  on  the  first  complaint).  You  should 
send  ambassadors  into  all  parts,  to  reform,  to  re- 
monstrate, to  exert  all  their  efforts  in  the  service 
of  the  State.  But,  above  all  things,  let  those  cor- 
rupt ministers  feel  the  severest  punishment ;  let 
them,  at  all  times,  and  in  all  places,  be  the  objects 
of  your  abhorrence  :  that  wise  and  faithful  coun- 
sellors may  appear  to  have  consulted  their  own 
interests  as  well  as  that  of  others.  If  you  will  act 
thus,  if  you  will  shake  off  this  indolence,  even 
yet,  perhaps,  we  may  promise  ourselves  some 
good  fortune.  But  if  you  only  just  exert  your- 
selves in  acclamations  and  applauses,  and  when 
anything  is  to  be  done,  sink  again  into  your  supine- 
ness,  1  do  not  see  how  all  the  wisdom  of  the 
world  can  save  the  State  from  ruin,  when  you 
deny  your  assistance. 

Translated  by  Thomas  Leland,  D.D. 


/ESCHINES 

y^schines  was  born  about  390  b.c,  six  years  before  Demos- 
thenes. He  was  the  son  of  Atrometus,  a  schoolmaster,  and 
Glaucothea.  At  the  age  of  eighteen,  he  entered  on  the  military- 
service,  and  won  some  distinction  as  a  soldier.  After  some 
experience  as  a  clerk  in  a  government  office,  he  took  to  the 
stage,  which  he  followed  with  indifferent  success.  Owing  to 
an  accident  which  disgraced  him  as  an  actor,  he  left  the  stage 
and  returned  to  his  earlier  profession  of  clerk,  attaching  him- 
self to  two  distinguished  statesmen,  Aristophon  and  Eubulus, 
with  the  hope  of  gaining  political  distinction. 

His  experience  on  the  stage  had  taught  him  how  to  manage 
his  voice,  to  pose,  and  to  declaim  ;  and  his  native  ability  sup- 
plied largely  what  was  lacking  in  his  earlier  training.  He 
early  became  an  advocate  of  the  Macedonian  party,  and  it  is  to 
his  frequent  collisions  with  Demosthenes  that  he  is  indebted 
for  his  fame.  After  his  failure  to  receive  one  fifth  of  the  votes 
in  the  trial  in  the  matter  of  the  Crown,  he  left  Athens  in  dis- 
grace and  never  returned.  He  is  said  to  have  gone  to  Rhodes 
and  set  up  a  school  of  rhetoric  there. 

y^schines  was  a  man  of  high  intellectual  endowments  ;  he 
has  a  wide  range  of  vocabulary,  he  is  excellent  in  his  narrative, 
he  possesses  the  merit  of  impressive  and  elevated  diction;  but 
he  is  lacking  in  moral  force,  and  this  was  the  cause  of  his 
downfall. 

Only  three  of  the  orations  of  y^schines  have  come  down  to 
us,  that  against  Timarchus,  that  on  the  Embassy,  and  the  one 
against  Ctesiphon — all  bearing  directly  or  indirectly  on  his 
quarrel  with  Demosthenes. 

For  an  extensive  literary  criticism  of  /Eschines'  life  and 
speeches,  see  Blass,  Attische  Beredsamkeit,  iii.,  2,  pp.  153- 
266  ;  the  standard  text  is  that  of  Franke  (Teubner,  1887)  ;  the 
best  German  edition  with  notes  is  Weidner's  (Berlin,  1872)  ; 
Richardson's  edition  of  Weidner's  Against  Ctesiphon  may  be 
recommended. 

299 


THE  ORATIONS  ON  THE  CROWN 


FIRST  ORATION   ON   THE  CROWN 

y^schines. 

In  338  B.C.,  after  the  battle  of  Chaeronea,  Demosthenes  had  been  placed  on  the 
Commission  for  the  fortification  of  Athens,  and  made  treasurer  of  the  fund  for 
theatrical  displays.  Early  in  336  b.c,  Ctesiphon  proposed  that  he  should  for  this 
service  receive  a  golden  crown,  and  that  the  proclamation  should  be  made  in  the 
theatre  at  the  Great  Dionysia.  This  measure  was  adopted  by  the  Senate,  and 
deposited  as  a  bill  among  the  public  records.  It  still  needed  the  ratification  of 
the  Assembly  to  become  an  act.  /^schines,  at  this  point,  to  stop  the  progress  of 
the  bill,  gave  notice  that  he  intended  to  proceed  against  Ctesiphon  for  having 
proposed  an  unconstitutional  measure.  The  grounds  of  his  indictment  were 
three  :  (i)  that  Demosthenes  had  not  yet  passed  his  audit  as  treasurer,  and  under 
such  circumstances  it  was  illegal  to  crown  an  official  ;  (2)  that  the  proclamation 
of  a  crown  in  the  theatre  was  unlawful  ;  (3)  that  Demosthenes  had  not  been  a 
public  benefactor  and  the  laws  forbade  the  insertion  of  a  falsehood  in  the  public 
records.     In  the  third  point  was  the  gist  of  the  case. 

Mere  notice  of  the  action  was  sufficient  to  postpone  adoption  of  the  bill,  and 
for  seven  years  /tschines  delayed  its  passage.  Finally  in  the  summer  of  330  b.c. 
the  action  was  brought. 

It  was  no  ordinary  legal  contest.  It  was  the  death-struggle  of  personal  antag- 
onists, the  final  contest  of  two  opposing  political  parties  represented  in  their 
mightiest  champions,     /^schines,  as  accuser  of  Ctesiphon,  opened  the  case  with 


YOU  see,  Athenians  !  what  forces  are  prepared, 
what  numbers  formed  and  arrayed,  what 
soliciting  through  the  assembly,  by  a  certain  party; 
— and  all  this  to  oppose  the  fair  and  ordinary  course 


301 


302  The  World's  Orators 

of  justice  in  the  State.  As  to  me,  I  stand  here  in 
firm  reliance,  first  on  the  immortal  gods,  next  on 
the  laws  and  you,  convinced  that  faction  never 
can  have  greater  weight  with  you  than  law  and 
justice. 

It  were  to  be  wished,  indeed,  that  the  presidents 
of  our  senate  and  of  our  popular  assembly  would 
attend  with  due  care  to  the  order  of  their  debates  ; 
that  the  laws  ordained  by  Solon  to  secure  the 
decency  of  public  speaking  might  still  preserve 
their  force ;  that  so  our  elder  citizens  might  first 
arise  in  due  and  decent  form  (as  these  laws  direct), 
without  tumult  or  confusion,  and  each  declare  in 
order  the  salutary  counsels  of  his  sage  experience  ; 
that,  after  these,  our  other  citizens  who  chose  to 
speak  might  severally,  and  in  order,  according  to 
their  ages,  propose  their  sentiments  on  every  sub- 
ject. Thus,  in  my  opinion,  would  the  course  of 
government  be  more  exactly  regulated,  and  thus 
would  our  assemblies  be  less  frequently  engaged 
in  trials.  But  now,  when  these  institutions,  so 
confessedly  excellent,  have  lost  their  force  ;  when 
men  propose  illegal  resolutions  without  reserve  or 
scruple  ;  when  others  are  found  to  put  them  to 
the  vote,  not  regularly  chosen  to  preside  in  our 
assemblies,  but  men  who  have  raised  themselves 
to  this  dignity  by  intrigue  ;  when,  if  any  of  the 
other  senators  on  whom  the  lot  of  presidency 
has  fairly  fallen,  should  discharge  his  office  faith- 


Aischincs. 

From  the  statue  in  lite  Boston  Museum. 


.  First  Oration  on  the  Crown  303 

fully,  and  report  your  voices  truly,  there  are  men 
who  threaten  to  impeach  him,  men  who  invade 
our  rights,  and  regard  the  administration  as  their 
private  property  ;  who  have  secured  their  vassals, 
and  raised  themselves  to  sovereignty ;  who  have 
suppressed  such  judicial  procedures  as  are  founded 
on  established  laws,  and,  in  the  decision  of  those 
appointed  by  temporary  decrees,  consult  their  pas- 
sions ;  now,  I  say,  that  most  sage  and  virtuous 
proclamation  is  no  longer  heard,  ''Who  is  dis- 
posed to  speak  of  those  above  fifty  years  old  ?  " 
and  then,  "Who  of  the  other  citizens  in  their 
turns  ?  "  Nor  is  the  indecent  license  of  our  speak- 
ers any  longer  restrained  by  our  laws,  by  our 
magistrates  ;  no,  nor  by  the  presiding  tribe  which 
contains  a  full  tenth  part  of  the  community. 

If  such  be  our  situation,  such  the  present  cir- 
cumstances of  the  State,  and  of  this  you  seem 
convinced,  one  part  alone  of  our  polity  remains 
(as  far  as  I  may  presume  to  judge) — prosecutions 
of  those  who  violate  the  laws.  Should  you  sup- 
press these — should  you  permit  them  to  be  sup- 
pressed— I  freely  pronounce  your  fate ;  that  your 
government  must  be  gradually  and  imperceptibly 
given  up  to  the  power  of  a  few.  You  are  not  to 
be  informed,  Athenians,  that  there  are  three  dif- 
ferent modes  of  government  established  in  the 
world :  the  monarchical,  the  government  of  the 
few,  and  the  free  republic.     In  the  two  former 


304  The  World's  Orators 

the  administration  is  directed  by  the  pleasure  of 
the  ruling  powers  ;  in  free  States,  it  is  regulated  by 
established  laws.  It  is  then  a  truth,  of  which 
none  shall  be  ignorant,  which  every  man  should 
impress  deeply  on  his  mind,  that  when  he  enters 
the  tribunal,  to  decide  a  case  of  violation  of  the 
laws,  he  that  day  gives  sentence  on  his  own 
liberties.  Wisely  therefore  has  our  legislator  pre- 
scribed this,  as  the  first  clause  in  the  oath  of  every 
judge:  'M  will  give  my  voice  agreeably  to  the 
laws  "  ;  well  knowing,  that  when  the  laws  are  pre- 
served sacred  in  every  State,  the  freedom  of  their 
constitution  is  most  effectually  secured.  Let  these 
things  be  ever  kept  in  memory,  that  your  indig- 
nation may  be  kindled  against  all  those  whose 
decrees  have  been  illegal.  Let  not  any  of  their 
offences  be  deemed  of  little  moment,  but  all  of  the 
greatest  importance ;  nor  suffer  your  rights  to  be 
wrested  from  you  by  any  power ;  neither  by  the 
combinations  of  your  generals,  who,  by  conspiring 
with  our  public  speakers,  have  frequently  involved 
the  State  in  danger ;  nor  by  the  solicitations  of 
foreigners,  who  have  been  brought  up  to  screen 
some  men  from  justice,  whose  administration  has 
been  notoriously  illegal.  But  as  each  man  among 
you  would  be  ashamed  to  desert  from  his  post  in 
battle,  so  think  it  shameful  to  abandon  the  post 
this  day  assigned  to  you  by  the  laws,  that  of 
guardians  of  the  constitution. 


.  First  Oration  on  the  Crown  305 

Let  it  also  be  remembered  that  the  whole  body 
of  our  citizens  has  now  committed  their  State, 
their  liberties,  into  your  hands.  Some  of  them  are 
present  awaiting  the  event  of  this  trial ;  others  are 
called  away  to  attend  on  their  private  affairs. 
Show  the  due  reverence  to  these,  remember  your 
oaths  and  your  laws  ;  and  if  we  convict  Ctesiphon 
of  having  proposed  decrees  illegal,  false,  and  detri- 
mental to  the  State,  reverse  these  illegal  decrees, 
assert  the  freedom  of  your  constitution,  and  pun- 
ish those  who  have  administered  your  affairs  in 
opposition  to  your  laws,  in  contempt  of  your  con- 
stitution, and  in  total  disregard  of  your  interests. 
If,  with  these  sentiments  impressed  on  your 
minds,  you  attend  to  what  is  now  to  be  proposed, 
you  must,  I  am  convinced,  proceed  to  a  decision 
just  and  religious,  a  decision  of  the  utmost  ad- 
vantage to  yourselves,  and  to  the  State. 

To  enter  into  a  minute  examination  of  the  life 
of  Demosthenes  I  fear  might  lead  me  into  a  detail 
too  tedious.  And  why  should  1  insist  on  such 
points  as  the  circumstances  of  the  indictment  for 
his  wound,  brought  before  the  Areopagus,  against 
Demomeles  his  kinsman,  and  the  gashes  he  in- 
flicted on  his  own  head  ?  Or  why  should  1  speak 
of  the  expedition  under  Cephisodotus,  and  the 
sailing  of  our  fleet  to  the  Hellespont,  when  De- 
mosthenes acted  as  a  Trierarch,  entertained  the 
admiral  on  board  his  ship,  made  him  partaker  of 


VOL.  I. — 20. 


3o6  The  World's  Orators 

his  table,  of  his  sacrifices  and  religious  rites,  con- 
fessed his  just  right  to  all  those  instances  of 
affection,  as  an  hereditary  friend  ;  and  yet,  when 
an  impeachment  had  been  brought  against  him 
which  affected  his  life,  appeared  as  his  accuser? 
Why,  again,  should  I  take  notice  of  his  affair  with 
Midias ;  of  the  blows  which  he  received  in  his 
office  of  director  of  the  entertainments ;  or  how, 
for  the  sum  of  thirty  mina',  he  compounded  this 
insult,  as  well  as  the  sentence  which  the  people 
pronounced  against  Midias  in  the  theatre  ?  These 
and  the  like  particulars  I  determine  to  pass  over ; 
not  that  I  would  betray  the  cause  of  justice  ;  not 
that  I  would  recommend  myself  to  favor  by  an 
affected  tenderness  ;  but  lest  it  should  be  objected 
that  1  produce  facts  true,  indeed,  but  long  since 
acknowledged  and  notorious.  Say,  then,  Ctesi- 
phon,  when  the  most  heinous  instances  of  this 
man's  baseness  are  so  incontestably  evident  that 
his  accuser  exposes  himself  to  the  censure  not  of 
advancing  falsehoods,  but  of  recurring  to  facts  so 
long  acknowledged  and  notorious,  is  he  to  be 
publicly  honored,  or  to  be  branded  with  infamy  ? 
And  shall  you,  who  have  presumed  to  form  de- 
crees equally  contrary  to  truth  and  to  the  laws, 
insolently  bid  defiance  to  the  tribunal,  or  feel  the 
weight  of  public  justice  ? 

My  objections  to  his  public  conduct  shall  be 
more  explicit.    1  am  informed  that  Demosthenes, 


.  First  Oration  on  the  Crown  307 

when  admitted  to  his  defence,  means  to  enumer- 
ate four  different  periods  in  which  he  was  engaged 
in  the  administration  of  affairs.  One,  and  the  first, 
of  these  (as  I  am  assured)  he  accounts  that  time  in 
which  we  were  at  war  with  Philip  for  Amphipolis: 
and  this  period  he  closes  with  the  peace  and 
alliance  which  we  concluded,  in  consequence  of 
the  decree  proposed  by  Philocrates,  in  which 
Demosthenes  had  equal  share,  as  I  shall  immedi- 
ately demonstrate.  The  second  period  he  com- 
putes from  the  time  in  which  we  enjoyed  this 
peace  down  to  the  day  when  he  put  an  end  to 
a  treaty  that  had  till  then  subsisted,  and  himself 
proposed  the  decree  for  war.  The  third,  from  the 
time  when  hostilities  were  commenced  down  to 
the  fatal  battle  of  Cha^ronea.  The  fourth  is  this 
present  time. 

After  this  particular  specification,  as  I  am  in- 
formed, he  means  to  call  on  me,  and  to  demand 
explicitly  on  which  of  these  four  periods  I  found 
my  prosecution  ;  and  at  what  particular  time  I 
object  to  his  administration  as  inconsistent  with 
the  public  interest.  Should  1  refuse  to  answer, 
should  1  attempt  the  least  evasion  or  retreat,  he 
boasts  that  he  will  pursue  me  and  tear  off  my  dis- 
guise ;  that  he  will  haul  me  to  the  tribunal,  and 
compel  me  to  reply.  That  I  may  then  at  once 
confound  this  presumption,  and  guard  you  against 
such  artifice,  1  thus  explicitly  reply :  before  these 


3o8  The  World's  Orators 

your  judges,  before  the  other  citizens  spectators  of 
this  trial,  before  all  the  Greeks  who  have  been 
solicitous  to  hear  the  event  of  this  cause  (and  of 
these  I  see  no  small  number,  but  rather  more  than 
ever  yet  known  to  attend  on  any  public  trial),  I  thus 
reply :  I  say,  that  on  every  one  of  these  four  peri- 
ods which  you  have  thus  distinguished,  is  my 
accusation  founded.  And  if  the  gods  vouchsafe 
me  their  assistance,  if  the  judges  grant  me  an  im- 
partial hearing,  and  if  my  memory  shall  faithfully 
recall  the  several  instances  of  your  guilt,  1  am  fully 
confident  that  I  shall  demonstrate  to  this  tribunal 
that  the  preservation  of  the  State  is  to  be  ascribed 
to  the  gods,  and  to  those  citizens  who  have  con- 
ducted our  affairs  with  a  truly  patriotic  and  well- 
tempered  zeal,  and  that  all  our  calamities  are  to  be 
imputed  to  Demosthenes  as  their  real  author. 
And  in  this  charge  I  shall  observe  the  very  same 
method  which,  as  1  am  informed,  he  intends  to 
use.  1  shall  begin  with  speaking  of  his  first  period, 
then  proceed  to  the  second  and  the  third  in  order, 
and  conclude  with  observations  on  present  affairs. 
To  that  peace,  then,  1  now  go  back,  of  which  you, 
Demosthenes  and  Philocrates,  were  the  first  movers. 
And  did  not  the  gods  warn  us  of  our  danger  ? 
did  they  not  urge  the  necessity  of  vigilance,  in 
a  language  scarcely  less  explicit  than  that  of  man  ? 
Surely  never  was  a  State  more  evidently  protected 
by  the  gods,  and  more  notoriously  ruined  by  its 


First  Oration  on  the  Crown  309 

popular  leaders.  Were  we  not  sufficiently  alarmed 
by  that  portentous  incident  in  the  mysteries,  the 
sudden  death  of  the  initiated  ?  Did  not  Amyni- 
ades  still  further  warn  us  of  our  danger,  and  urge 
us  to  send  deputies  to  Delphi  to  consult  the  god  ? 
And  did  not  Demosthenes  oppose  this  design  ?  did 
he  not,  rude  and  brutal  as  he  is,  insolently  presum- 
ing on  that  full  power  to  which  your  favor  raised 
him,  say  that  the  Pythian  priestess  was  inspired  by 
Philip  ?  And  did  he  not  at  last,  without  one  propi- 
tious sacrifice,  one  favorable  omen,  to  assure  us  of 
success,  send  out  armies  to  manifest  and  inevitable 
danger  ?  Yet  he  lately  presumed  to  say  that 
Philip  did  not  venture  to  march  into  our  territories, 
for  this  very  reason,  because  his  sacrifices  had  not 
been  propitious.  What  punishment  therefore  is 
due  to  thy  offences,  thou  pest  of  Greece  ?  If  the 
conqueror  was  prevented  from  invading  the  terri- 
tories of  the  vanquished  by  unpropitious  sacrifices, 
shouldst  thou,  who,  without  the  least  attention  to 
futurity,  without  one  favorable  omen,  hast  sent  our 
armies  to  the  field — shouldst  thou  be  honored  with 
a  crown  for  those  calamities  in  which  thou  hast 
involved  the  State,  or  driven  from  our  borders  with 
ignominy  ? 

And  what  can  be  conceived  surprising  or  extraor- 
dinary that  we  have  not  experienced  ?  Our  lives 
have  not  passed  in  the  usual  and  natural  course 
of  human  affairs  :  no,  we  were  born  to  be  an  object 


3IO  The  World's  Orators 

of  astonishment  to  posterity.  Do  we  not  see  the 
King  of  Persia,  he  who  opened  a  passage  for  his 
navy  through  Mount  Athos,  who  stretched  his 
bridge  across  the  Hellespont,  who  demanded  earth 
and  water  from  the  Greeks  ;  he  who  in  his  letters 
presumed  to  style  himself  sovereign  of  mankind 
from  the  rising  to  the  setting  sun  ;  now  no  longer 
contending  to  be  lord  over  others,  but  to  secure 
his  personal  safety  ?  Do  we  not  see  those  crowned 
with  honor,  and  ennobled  with  the  command  of 
the  war  against  Persia,  who  rescued  the  Delphian 
temple  from  sacrilegious  hands  ?  Hath  not  Thebes, 
our  neighboring  State,  been  in  one  day  torn  from 
the  midst  of  Greece  ?  And,  although  this  calamity 
may  justly  be  imputed  to  her  own  pernicious 
counsels,  yet  we  are  not  to  ascribe  such  infatuation 
to  any  natural  causes,  but  to  the  fatal  influence  of 
some  evil  genius.     .     .     . 

Since  you  were  not  personal  spectators  of  their 
calamities,  represent  them  to  your  imagination  ; 
think  that  you  behold  their  city  stormed,  their 
walls  levelled  with  the  ground,  their  houses  in 
flames,  their  wives  and  children  dragged  to  slavery, 
their  hoary  citizens,  their  ancient  matrons,  unlearn- 
ing liberty  in  their  old  age,  pouring  out  their  tears 
and  crying  to  you  for  pity  ;  expressing  their  re- 
sentment, not  against  the  instruments,  but  the  real 
authors  of  their  calamities ;  importuning  you  by 
no  means  to  grant  a  crown  to  this  pest  of  Greece, 


■  First  Oration  on  the  Crown  3 1 1 

but  rather  to  guard  against  that  curse,  that  fatal 
genius  which  evermore  pursues  him.  For  never 
did  any  State,  never  did  any  private  persons  con- 
duct their  affairs  to  a  happy  issue,  that  v/ere 
guided  by  the  counsels  of  Demosthenes.  And  is 
it  not  shameful,  my  countrymen,  that  in  the  case 
of  those  mariners  who  transport  men  over  to  Sala- 
mis,  it  should  be  enacted  by  a  law,  that  whoever 
shall  overset  his  vessel  in  this  passage,  even  inad- 
vertently, shall  never  be  again  admitted  to  the 
same  employment  (so  that  no  one  may  be  suffered 
to  expose  the  persons  of  the  Greeks  to  careless 
hazard)  ;  and  yet  that  this  man,  who  has  quite 
overset  all  Greece,  as  well  as  this  State,  should  be 
still  intrusted  with  the  helm  of  government  ?  .  .  . 
''But  all  this  is  granted;  yet  he  is  a  zealous 
friend  to  our  free  constitution."  If  you  consider 
only  his  fair  and  plausible  discourses,  you  may  be 
deceived  in  this  as  you  have  been  in  other  in- 
stances. But  look  into  his  real  nature  and  charac- 
ter, and  you  cannot  be  deceived.  Hence  it  is  that 
you  are  to  form  your  judgment.  And  here  I  shall  re- 
count the  several  particulars  necessary  to  form  the 
character  of  a  faithful  citizen  and  a  useful  friend  to 
liberty.  On  the  other  hand,  I  shall  describe  the  man 
who  is  likely  to  prove  a  bad  member  of  society  and 
a  favorer  of  the  arbitrary  power  of  a  few.  Do  you 
apply  these  two  descriptions  to  him,  and  consider, 
not  what  he  alleges,  but  what  he  really  is. 


312  The  World's  Orators 

I  presume,  then,  it  must  be  universally  acknow- 
ledged that  these  are  the  characteristics  of  a  friend 
to  our  free  constitution.  First,  he  must  be  of  a 
liberal  descent  both  by  father  and  mother,  lest  the 
misfortune  of  his  birth  should  inspire  him  with  a 
prejudice  against  the  laws  which  secure  our  free- 
dom. Secondly,  he  must  be  descended  from  such 
ancestors  as  have  done  service  to  the  people,  at 
least  from  such  as  have  not  lived  in  enmity  with 
them ;  this  is  indispensably  necessary,  lest  he 
should  be  prompted  to  do  the  State  some  injury, 
in  order  to  revenge  the  quarrel  of  his  ancestors. 
Thirdly,  he  must  be  discreet  and  temperate  in  his 
course  of  life,  lest  a  luxurious  dissipation  of  his 
fortune  might  tempt  him  to  receive  a  bribe  in  order 
to  betray  his  country.  Fourthly,  he  must  have 
integrity  united  with  a  powerful  elocution  ;  for  it 
is  the  perfection  of  a  statesman  to  possess  that 
goodness  of  mind  which  may  ever  direct  him  to 
the  most  salutary  measures,  together  with  a  skill 
and  power  of  speaking  which  may  effectually  rec- 
ommend him  to  his  hearers.  Yet,  of  the  two, 
integrity  is  to  be  preferred  to  eloquence.  Fifthly, 
he  must  have  a  manly  spirit,  that  in  war  and  danger 
he  may  not  desert  his  country.  It  may  be  suffi- 
cient to  say,  without  further  repetition,  that  a 
friend  to  the  arbitrary  power  of  a  few  is  distin- 
guished by  the  characteristics  directly  opposed 
to  these. 


•   First  Oration  on  the  Crown  313 

And  now  consider  which  of  these  agrees  to  De- 
mosthenes. Let  us  state  the  account  with  the 
most  scrupulous  regard  to  justice.  This  man's 
father  was  Demosthenes  of  the  Pasanian  tribe,  a 
citizen  of  repute  (for  I  shall  adhere  strictly  to 
truth).  But  how  he  stands  as  to  family,  with 
respect  to  his  mother  and  her  father,  I  must  now 
explain.  There  was  once  in  Athens  a  man  called 
Gylon,  who  by  betraying  Nymph^eum  in  Pontus  to 
the  enemy,  a  city  then  possessed  by  us,  was 
obliged  to  fly  from  his  country,  in  order  to  escape 
the  sentence  of  death  denounced  against  him,  and 
settled  on  the  Bosphorus,  where  he  obtained  from 
the  neighboring  princes  a  tract  of  land  called  "the 
Gardens,"  and  married  a  woman  who  indeed 
brought  him  a  considerable  fortune,  but  was  by 
birth  a  Scythian.  By  her  he  had  two  daughters, 
whom  he  sent  hither  with  a  great  quantity  of 
wealth;  one  of  them  he  settled — I  shall  not  mention 
with  whom,  that  I  may  not  provoke  the  resentment 
of  too  many  ;  the  other  Demosthenes,  the  Pasanian, 
married  in  defiance  of  our  laws,  and  from  her  is  the 
present  Demosthenes  sprung — our  turbulent  and 
malicious  informer.  So  that  by  his  grandfather,  in 
the  female  line,  he  is  an  enemy  to  the  State,  for  this 
grandfather  was  condemned  to  death  by  your  an- 
cestors ;  and  by  his  mother  he  is  a  Scythian — one 
who  assumes  the  language  of  Greece,  but  whose 
abandoned  principles  betray  his  barbarous  descent. 


314  The  World's  Orators 

And  what  has  been  his  course  of  life  ?  He  first 
assumed  the  office  of  a  Trierarch,  and,  having  ex- 
hausted his  paternal  fortune  by  this  ridiculous 
vanity,  he  descended  to  the  profession  of  a  hired 
advocate  ;  but  having  lost  all  credit  in  this  employ- 
ment by  betraying  the  secrets  of  his  clients  to  their 
antagonists,  he  forced  his  way  into  the  gallery, 
and  appeared  a  popular  speaker.  When  those 
vast  sums  of  which  he  had  defrauded  the  public 
were  just  dissipated,  a  sudden  tide  of  Persian  gold 
poured  into  his  exhausted  coffers  ;  nor  was  all  this 
sufficient,  for  no  fund  whatever  can  prove  suffi- 
cient for  the  profligate  and  corrupt.  In  a  word,  he 
supported  himself,  not  by  a  fortune  of  his  own, 
but  by  your  perils.  But  how  does  he  appear  with 
respect  to  integrity  and  force  of  elocution  ?  Pow- 
erful in  speaking,  abandoned  in  his  manners.  Of 
such  unnatural  depravity  in  his  sensual  gratifica- 
tions, that  I  cannot  describe  his  practices  ;  I  cannot 
offend  that  delicacy,  to  which  such  shocking  de- 
scriptions are  always  odious.  And  how  has  he 
served  the  public  ?  His  speeches  have  been  plaus- 
ible, his  actions  traitorous. 

As  to  his  courage,  1  need  say  but  little  on  that 
head.  Did  he  himself  deny  that  he  is  a  coward? 
Were  you  not  sensible  of  it,  1  should  think  it 
necessary  to  detain  you  by  a  formal  course  of  evi- 
dence ;  but  as  he  has  publicly  confessed  it  in  our 
assemblies,  and  as  you  have  been  witnesses  of  it, 


First  Oration  on  the  Crown  315 

it  remains  only  that  I  remind  you  of  the  laws 
enacted  against  such  crimes.  It  was  the  deter- 
mination of  Solon,  our  old  legislator,  that  he  who 
evaded  his  duty  in  the  field,  or  left  his  post  in 
battle,  should  be  subject  to  the  same  penalties 
with  the  man  directly  convicted  of  cowardice  ;  for 
there  are  laws  enacted  against  cowardice.  It 
may,  perhaps,  seem  wonderful  that  the  law  should 
take  cognizance  of  a  natural  infirmity  ;  but  such  is 
the  fact.  And  why  ?  That  every  one  of  us  may 
dread  the  punishment  denounced  by  law  more 
than  the  enemy  ;  and  thus  prove  the  better  sol- 
dier in  the  cause  of  his  country.  The  man,  then, 
who  declines  the  service  of  the  field,  the  coward, 
and  he  who  leaves  his  post  in  battle,  are  by  our 
lawgiver  excluded  from  all  share  in  public  deliber- 
ations, rendered  incapable  of  receiving  the  honor 
of  a  crown,  and  denied  admission  to  the  religious 
rites  performed  by  the  public.  But  you  direct 
us  to  crown  a  person  whom  the  laws  declare 
to  be  incapable  of  receiving  a  crown ;  and  by 
your  decree  you  introduce  a  man  into  the  the- 
atre who  is  disqualified  from  appearing  there ; 
you  call  into  a  place  sacred  to  Bacchus  him  who, 
by  his  cowardice,  has  betrayed  all  our  sacred 
places.  But  that  1  may  not  divert  you  from 
the  great  point,  remember  this :  when  Demos- 
thenes tells  you  that  he  is  the  friend  of  liberty, 
examine  not  his  speeches,  but  his  actions ;  and 


3i6  The  World's  Orators 

consider  not  what  he  professes  to  be,  but  what  he 
really  is.     .     .    . 

And  here,  in  your  presence,  would  I  gladly  en- 
ter into  discussion  with  the  author  of  this  decree, 
as  to  the  nature  of  those  services  for  which  he 
desires  that  Demosthenes  should  be  crowned. 
If  you  allege,  agreeably  to  the  first  clause  of  the 
decree,  that  he  has  surrounded  our  walls  with  an 
excellent  intrenchment,  I  must  declare  my  sur- 
prise. Surely  the  guilt  of  having  rendered  such 
a  work  necessary  far  outweighs  the  merit  of  ex- 
ecution. It  is  not  he  who  has  strengthened  our 
fortifications,  who  has  dug  our  intrenchments, 
who  has  disturbed  the  tombs  of  our  ancestors, 
that  should  demand  the  honors  of  a  patriot  minis- 
ter, but  he  who  has  procured  some  intrinsic  serv- 
ices to  the  State.  If  you  have  recourse  to  the 
second  clause,  where  you  presume  to  say  that  he 
is  a  good  man,  and  has  ever  persevered  in  speak- 
ing and  acting  in  the  interest  of  the  people,  strip 
your  decree  of  its  vainglorious  pomp ;  adhere  to 
facts  ;  and  prove  what  you  have  asserted.  I  shall 
not  press  you  with  the  instances  of  his  corruption 
in  the  affairs  of  Amphissa  and  Euboea.  But  if  you 
intend  to  transfer  the  merit  of  the  Theban  alliance 
to  Demosthenes,  you  but  impose  on  the  men  who 
are  strangers  to  affairs,  and  insult  those  who  are 
acquainted  with  them,  and  see  through  your 
falsehood.     By   suppressing   all    mention   of  the 


First  Oration  on  the  Crown  317 

urgent  juncture,  of  the  illustrious  reputation  of 
these  our  fellow-citizens,  the  real  causes  of  this 
alliance,  you  fancy  that  you  have  effectually  con- 
cealed your  fraud  in  ascribing  to  Demosthenes  a 
merit  which  really  belongs  to  the  State.  And 
now  I  shall  endeavor  to  explain  the  greatness  of 
this  arrogance  by  one  striking  example.  The 
King  of  Persia,  not  long  before  the  descent  of 
Alexander  into  Asia,  despatched  a  letter  to  the 
State,  expressed  in  all  the  insolence  of  a  barbarian. 
His  shocking  and  unmannered  license  appeared 
in  every  part ;  but  in  the  conclusion,  particularly, 
he  expressed  himself  directly  thus:  'M  will  not 
grant  you  gold  ;  trouble  me  not  with  your  de- 
mands;  they  shall  not  be  gratified."  And  yet 
this  man,  when  he  found  himself  involved  in  all 
his  present  difficulties,  without  any  demand  from 
Athens,  but  freely,  and  of  himself,  sent  thirty  tal- 
ents to  the  State,  which  were  most  judiciously 
rejected.  It  was  the  juncture  of  affairs,  and  his 
terrors,  and  his  pressing  want  of  an  alliance  which 
brought  this  sum  ;  the  very  causes  which  effected 
the  alliance  of  Thebes.  You  are  ever  sounding  in 
our  ears  the  name  of  Thebes,  you  are  ever  teasing 
us  with  the  repetition  of  that  unfortunate  alliance ; 
but  not  one  word  is  ever  suffered  to  escape  of 
those  seventy  talents  of  Persian  gold  which  you 
diverted  from  the  public  service  into  your  own 
coffers.    Was  it  not  from  the  want  of  money,  from 


3i8  The  World's  Orators 

the  want  of  only  five  talents,  that  the  foreign 
troops  refused  to  give  up  the  citadel  to  the  The- 
bans  ?  Was  it  not  from  the  want  of  nine  talents 
of  silver,  that  when  the  Arcadians  were  drawn 
out,  and  all  the  leaders  prepared  to  march,  the 
whole  expedition  was  defeated  ?  But  you  are  in 
the  midst  of  affluence,  you  have  treasures  to  sat- 
isfy your  sensuality ;  and,  to  crown  all,  while  he 
enjoys  the  royal  wealth,  the  dangers  all  devolve 
on  you. 

The  absurdity  of  these  men  well  deserves  to  be 
considered.  Should  Ctesiphon  presume  to  call 
upon  Demosthenes  to  speak  before  you,  and 
should  he  rise  and  lavish  his  praises  upon  him- 
self, to  hear  him  would  be  still  more  painful  than 
all  you  have  suffered  by  his  conduct.  Men  of  real 
merit,  men  of  whose  numerous  and  glorious  serv- 
ices we  are  clearly  sensible,  are  not  yet  endured 
when  they  speak  their  own  praises.  But  when 
a  man,  the  scandal  of  his  country,  sounds  his  own 
encomium,  who  can  hear  such  arrogance  with  any 
temper  ?  No,  Ctesiphon,  if  you  have  any  sense, 
avoid  so  shameless  a  procedure  ;  make  your  de- 
fence in  person.  You  cannot  recur  to  the  pretence 
of  any  inability  for  speaking.  It  would  be  absurd 
that  you,  who  suffered  yourself  to  be  chosen  am- 
bassador to  Cleopatra,  Philip's  daughter,  in  order 
to  present  our  condolements  on  the  death  of  Alex- 
ander, king  of  the  Molossi,  should  now  plead 


First  Oration  on  the  Crown  319 

such  an  inability.  If  you  were  capable  of  consol- 
ing a  woman  of  another  country  in  the  midst  of 
her  grief,  can  you  decline  the  defence  of  a  decree 
for  which  you  are  well  paid  ?  Or  is  he  to  whom 
you  grant  this  crown  such  a  man  as  must  be 
totally  unknown,  even  to  those  on  whom  he  has 
conferred  his  services,  unless  you  have  an  advocate 
to  assist  you  ?  Ask  the  judges  whether  they 
know  Chabrias,  and  Iphicrates,  and  Timotheus. 
Ask  for  what  reason  they  made  them  presents  and 
raised  their  statues.  With  one  voice  they  will  in- 
stantly reply,  that  to  Chabrias  they  granted  these 
honors  on  account  of  the  sea-fight  at  Naxos ;  to 
Iphicrates  because  he  cut  off  the  detachment  of 
Lacedemonians ;  to  Timotheus  on  account  of  his 
expedition  to  Corcyra  ;  and  to  others  as  the  reward 
of  those  many  and  glorious  services  which  each 
performed  in  war.  Ask  them  again  why  they  re- 
fuse the  like  honors  to  Demosthenes ;  they  will 
answer,  because  he  is  a  corrupted  hireling,  a  cow- 
ard, and  a  deserter.  Crown  him  !  would  this  be 
to  confer  an  honor  on  Demosthenes  ?  Would  it 
not  rather  be  to  disgrace  yourselves  and  those 
brave  men  who  fell  in  battle  for  their  country  ? 
Imagine  that  you  see  these  here  roused  to  indigna- 
tion at  the  thoughts  of  granting  him  a  crown ! 
Hard  indeed  would  be  the  case,  if  we  remove 
speechless  and  senseless  beings  from  our  borders, 
such  as  blocks  and  stones,  when  by  accident  they 


320  The  World's  Orators 

have  crushed  a  citizen  to  death  ;  if  in  the  case  of 
a  self-murderer  we  bury  the  hand  that  committed 
the  deed  separate  from  the  rest  of  the  body  ;  and 
yet  that  we  should  confer  honors  on  Demosthenes, 
on  him  who  was  the  author  of  the  late  expedition, 
the  man  who  betrayed  our  citizens  to  destruction. 
This  would  be  to  insult  the  dead,  and  to  damp  the 
ardor  of  the  living,  when  they  see  that  the  prize  of 
all  their  virtue  is  death,  and  that  their  memory 
must  perish. 

But  to  urge  the  point  of  greatest  moment :  should 
any  of  your  sons  demand  by  what  examples  they 
are  to  form  their  lives,  how  would  you  reply  ? 
For  you  well  know  that  it  is  not  only  by  bodily 
exercises,  by  seminaries  of  learning,  or  by  instruc- 
tions in  music,  that  our  youth  is  trained,  but  much 
more  effectually  by  public  examples.  Is  it  pro- 
claimed in  the  theatre  that  a  man  is  honored  with 
a  crown  for  his  virtue,  for  his  magnanimity,  and 
his  patriotism,  who  yet  proves  to  be  abandoned 
and  profligate  in  his  life  ?  The  youth  who  sees 
this  is  corrupted.  Is  public  justice  inflicted  on 
a  man  of  base  and  scandalous  vices  like  Ctesi- 
phon  ?  This  affords  excellent  instruction  to  others. 
Does  the  judge  who  has  given  a  sentence  repug- 
nant to  honor  and  to  justice,  return  home  and  in- 
struct his  son  ?  That  son  is  well  warranted  to 
reject  his  instruction.  Advice  in  such  a  case  may 
well  be  called  impertinence.    Not  then  as  judges 


.  First  Oration  on  the  Crown  321 

only,  but  as  guardians  of  the  State,  give  your 
voices  in  such  a  manner  that  you  may  approve 
your  conduct  to  those  absent  citizens  who  may 
inquire  what  has  been  the  decision.  You  are  not 
to  be  informed,  Athenians,  that  the  reputation  of 
our  country  must  be  such  as  theirs  who  receive  its 
honors.  And  surely  it  must  be  scandalous  to  stand 
in  the  same  point  of  view,  not  with  our  ancestors, 
but  with  the  unmanly  baseness  of  Demosthenes. 

How  then  may  such  infamy  be  avoided  ?  By 
guarding  against  those  who  affect  the  language  of 
patriotism  and  public  spirit,  but  whose  real  char- 
acters are  traitorous.  Loyalty  and  the  love  of 
liberty  are  words  that  lie  ready  for  every  man. 
And  they  are  the  more  prompt  to  seize  them 
whose  actions  are  the  most  repugnant  to  such 
principles.  Whenever,  therefore,  you  have  found 
a  man  solicitous  for  foreign  crowns,  and  proclama- 
tions of  honors  granted  by  the  Greeks,  oblige  him 
to  have  recourse  to  that  conduct  which  the  law 
prescribes  ;  to  found  his  pretensions  and  proclam- 
ations on  the  true  basis,  the  integrity  of  his  life, 
and  the  exact  regulation  of  his  manners.  Should 
he  not  produce  this  evidence  of  his  merit,  refuse 
your  sanction  to  his  honors  ;  support  the  freedom 
of  your  constitution,  which  is  now  falling  from 
you.  Can  you  reflect  without  indignation  that 
our  senate  and  our  assembly  are  neglected  with 
contempt,  while  letters  and  deputations  are  sent  to 


VOL.  J. — 21. 


322  The  World's  Orators 

private  houses,  not  from  inferior  personages,  but 
from  the  highest  potentates  in  Asia  and  in  Europe, 
and  for  purposes  declared  capital  by  the  laws? 
That  there  are  men  who  are  at  no  pains  to  conceal 
their  part  in  such  transactions  ;  who  avow  it  in 
the  presence  of  the  people  ;  who  openly  compare 
the  letters  ;  some  of  whom  direct  you  to  turn  your 
eyes  on  them,  as  the  guardians  of  the  constitu- 
tion ;  others  demand  public  honors,  as  the  favor- 
ites of  their  country ;  while  the  people,  reduced 
by  a  series  of  dispiriting  events,  as  it  were  to  a 
state  of  dotage,  or  struck  with  infatuation,  regard 
only  the  name  of  freedom,  but  resign  all  real 
power  into  the  hands  of  others  ;  so  that  you  re- 
tire from  the  assembly,  not  as  from  a  public  delib- 
eration, but  as  from  an  entertainment,  where  each 
man  has  paid  his  club  and  received  his  share  ? 

That  this  is  a  serious  truth,  let  me  offer  some- 
thing to  convince  you.  There  was  a  man  (it 
grieves  me  to  dwell  so  often  on  the  misfortunes 
of  the  State)  of  a  private  station,  who,  for  the  bare 
attempt  of  making  a  voyage  to  Samos,  was,  as  a 
traitor  to  his  country,  put  instantly  to  death  by 
the  council  of  Areopagus.  Another  private  man, 
whose  timid  spirit,  unable  to  support  the  general 
consternation,  had  driven  him  to  Rhodes,  was  not 
long  since  impeached,  and  escaped  only  by  the 
equality  of  voices ;  had  but  one  vote  more  been 
given  for  his  condemnation,  banishment  or  death 


First  Oration  on  the  Crown  323 

must  have  been  his  fate.  To  these  let  us  oppose 
the  case  now  before  us.  A  popular  orator,  the 
cause  of  all  our  calamities,  is  found  guilty  of  de- 
sertion in  the  field.  This  man  claims  a  crown, 
and  asserts  his  right  to  the  honor  of  a  proclama- 
tion. And  shall  not  this  wretch,  the  common  pest 
of  Greece,  be  driven  from  our  borders  ?  Or  shall 
we  not  seize  and  drag  to  execution  this  public 
plunderer,  whose  harangues  enable  him  to  steer 
his  piratical  course  through  our  government  ? 
Think  on  this  critical  season,  in  which  you  are  to 
give  your  voices.  In  a  few  days  the  Pythian 
games  are  to  be  celebrated,  and  the  convention  of 
Grecian  States  to  be  collected.  There  shall  our 
State  be  severely  censured  on  account  of  the  late 
measures  of  Demosthenes.  Should  you  crown 
him,  you  must  be  deemed  accessories  to  those 
who  violated  the  general  peace.  If,  on  the  con- 
trary, you  reject  the  demand,  you  will  clear  the 
State  from  all  imputation.  Weigh  this  clause  ma- 
turely, as  the  interest,  not  of  a  foreign  State,  but 
of  your  own  ;  and  do  not  lavish  your  honors  in- 
considerately ;  confer  them  with  a  scrupulous  deli- 
cacy ;  and  let  them  be  the  distinctions  of  exalted 
worth  and  merit ;  nor  be  contented  to  hear,  but 
look  round  you,  where  your  own  interest  is  so 
intimately  concerned,  and  see  who  are  the  men 
who  support  Demosthenes.  Are  they  his  former 
companions  in  the  chase,  his  associates  in  the 


324  The  World's  Orators 

manly  exercises  of  his  youth  ?  No,  by  the  Olym- 
pian God !  he  never  was  employed  in  rousing 
the  wild  boar,  or  in  any  such  exercises  as  render 
the  body  vigorous  ;  he  was  solely  engaged  in  the 
sordid  arts  of  fraud  and  circumvention. 

And  let  not  his  arrogance  escape  your  attention, 
when  he  tells  you  that  by  his  embassy  he  wrested 
Byzantium  from  the  hands  of  Philip  ;  that  his  elo- 
quence prevailed  on  the  Acarnanians  to  revolt ;  his 
eloquence  transported  the  souls  of  the  Thebans. 
He  thinks  that  you  are  sunk  to  such  a  degree  of 
weakness  that  he  may  prevail  on  you  to  believe 
that  you  harbor  the  very  genius  of  persuasion  in 
your  city,  and  not  a  vile  sycophant.  And  when  at 
the  conclusion  of  his  defence  he  calls  up  his  ac- 
complices in  corruption,  as  his  advocates,  then 
imagine  that  we  see  the  great  benefactors  of  your 
country  in  this  place  from  whence  I  speak,  arrayed 
against  the  villainy  of  those  men  :  Solon,  the  man 
who  adorned  our  free  constitution  with  the  noblest 
laws,  the  philosopher,  the  renowned  legislator, 
entreating  you,  with  that  decent  gravity  which 
distinguished  his  character,  by  no  means  to  pay  a 
greater  regard  to  the  speeches  of  Demosthenes 
than  to  your  oaths  and  laws  :  Aristides,  who  was 
suffered  to  prescribe  to  the  Greeks  their  several 
subsidies,  whose  daughters  received  their  portions 
from  the  people  at  his  decease,  roused  to  indigna- 
tion at  this  insult  on  public  justice,  and  asking 


•    First  Oration  on  the  Crown  325 

whether  you  are  not  ashamed,  that  when  your 
fathers  banished  Arthmius  the  Zelian,  who  brought 
in  gold  from  Persia  ;  when  they  were  scarcely  re- 
strained from  killing  a  man  connected  with  the 
people  in  the  most  sacred  ties,  and  by  public 
proclamation  forbade  him  to  appear  in  Athens,  or 
in  any  part  of  the  Athenian  territory,  yet  you  are 
going  to  crown  Demosthenes  with  a  golden  crown, 
who  did  not  bring  in  gold  from  Persia,  but  re- 
ceived bribes  himself,  and  still  possesses  them. 
And  can  you  imagine  but  that  Themistocles,  and 
those  who  fell  at  Marathon,  and  those  who  died 
at  Platasa,  and  the  very  sepulchres  of  our  ances- 
tors, must  groan  if  you  confer  a  crown  on  this 
man,  who  confessedly  united  with  the  barbarians 
against  the  Greeks  ? 

Translated  by  Thomas  Leland,  D.D. 


SECOND   ORATION   ON   THE   CROWN 

(the  reply  to  /ESCHINES) 
[Selection.]  Demosthenes. 

IN  the  first  place,  ye  men  of  Athens,  I  make  my 
prayer  to  all  the  powers  of  Heaven,  that  such 
affection  as  I  have  ever  invariably  discovered  to  this 
State  and  all  its  citizens,  you  now  may  entertain 
for  me  on  this  present  trial :  and  (what  concerns  you 
nearly,  what  essentially  concerns  your  religion  and 
your  honor)  that  the  gods  may  so  dispose  your 
minds  as  to  permit  me  to  proceed  in  my  defence,  not 
as  directed  by  my  adversary  (that  would  be  severe, 
indeed  ! ),  but  by  the  laws  and  by  your  oath  ;  in 
which,  to  all  the  other  equitable  clauses,  we  find 
this  expressly  added,  ''  Each  party  shall  have 
equal  audience."  This  imports  not  merely  that 
you  shall  not  prejudge,  not  merely  that  the  same 
impartiality  shall  be  shown  to  both  ;  but,  still 
farther,  that  the  contending  parties  shall  each  be 
left  at  full  liberty  to  arrange  and  to  conduct  his 
pleading  as  his  choice  or  judgment  may  determine. 

In  many  instances  hath  ^schines  the  entire 

326 


Second  Oration  on  the  Crown  327 

advantage  in  this  cause.  Two  there  are  of  more 
especial  moment.  First,  as  to  our  interests  in  the 
contest,  we  are  on  terms  utterly  unequal ;  for  they 
are  by  no  means  points  of  equal  import,  for  me  to 
be  deprived  of  your  affections,  and  for  him  to  be 
defeated  in  his  prosecution.  As  to  me — but,  when 
I  am  entering  on  my  defence,  let  me  suppress 
everything  ominous,  sensible  as  1  must  be  of  this 
the  advantage  of  my  adversary.  In  the  next  place, 
such  is  the  natural  disposition  of  mankind,  that 
invective  and  accusation  are  heard  with  pleasure, 
while  they  who  speak  their  own  praises  are  re- 
ceived with  impatience.  His,  then,  is  the  part  which 
commands  a  favorable  acceptance  ;  that  which 
must  prove  offensive  to  every  single  hearer  is 
reserved  for  me.  If,  to  guard  against  this  disad- 
vantage, 1  should  decline  all  mention  of  my  own 
actions,  1  know  not  by  what  means  I  could  refute 
the  charge  or  establish  my  pretensions  to  this 
honor.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  I  enter  into  a  detail 
of  my  whole  conduct,  private  and  political,  I  must 
be  obliged  to  speak  perpetually  of  myself.  Here, 
then,  I  shall  endeavor  to  preserve  all  possible  mod- 
eration ;  and  what  the  circumstances  of  the  case 
necessarily  extort  from  me  must,  in  justice,  be 
imputed  to  him  who  first  moved  a  prosecution  so 
extraordinary. 

1  presume,  ye  judges,  you  will  all  acknowledge 
that  in  this  cause  Ctesiphon  and  I  are  equally 


328  The  World's  Orators 

concerned  ;  that  it  calls  for  my  attention  no  less  than 
his ;  for  in  every  case  it  is  grievous  and  severe  to 
be  deprived  of  our  advantages,  and  especially  when 
they  are  wrested  from  us  by  an  enemy.  But  to 
be  deprived  of  your  favor  and  affections  is  a  mis- 
fortune the  most  severe,  as  these  are  advantages 
the  most  important ;  and  if  such  be  the  object  of  the 
present  contest,  1  hope,  and  it  is  my  general  request 
to  this  tribunal,  that  while  1  endeavor  to  defend 
myself  fairly  and  equitably  against  this  charge, 
you  will  hear  me  as  the  laws  direct ;  those  laws 
which  their  first  author,  Solon,  the  man  so  tender 
of  our  interests,  so  true  a  friend  to  liberty,  secured  ; 
not  by  enacting  only,  but  by  the  additional  pro- 
vision of  that  oath  imposed  on  you,  ye  judges ; 
not,  as  I  conceive,  from  any  suspicion  of  your 
integrity,  but  from  a  cleat  conviction,  that  as  the 
prosecutor,  who  is  first  to  speak,  hath  the  advan- 
tage of  loading  his  adversary  with  invectives  and 
calumnies,  the  defendant  could  not  possibly  pre- 
vail against  them,  unless  each  of  you  who  are  to 
pronounce  sentence  should,  with  a  reverent  atten- 
tion to  that  duty  which  you  owe  to  Heaven, 
favorably  admit  the  just  defence  of  him  who  is  to 
answer,  vouchsafe  an  impartial  and  equal  audi- 
ence to  both  parties,  and  thus  form  your  decision 
on  all  that  hath  been  urged  by  both. 

As  I  am  on  this  day  to  enter  into  an  exact  detail 
of  all  my  conduct,  both  in  private  life  and  in  my 


Second  Oration  on  the  Crown  329 

public  administration,  here  permit  me  to  repeat 
those  supplications  to  the  gods  with  which  I  first 
began,  and  in  your  presence  to  offer  up  my  prayers; 
first,  that  I  may  be  received  by  you  on  this  occasion 
with  the  same  affection  which  I  have  ever  felt  for 
this  State  and  all  its  citizens  ;  and,  in  the  next 
place,  that  Heaven  may  direct  your  minds  to  that 
determination  which  shall  prove  most  conducive 
to  the  general  honor  of  all,  and  most  exactly 
consonant  to  the  religious  engagements  of  each 
individual.     .     .     . 

Thus  successful  in  confirming  the  mutual  separa- 
tion of  our  States,  and  encouraged  by  these  decrees 
and  these  replies,  Philip  now  leads  his  forces 
forward  and  seizes  Elatea  ;  assuming,  that  at  all 
events  Athens  and  Thebes  never  could  unite.  You 
are  no  strangers  to  the  confusion  which  this  event 
raised  within  these  walls.  Yet  permit  me  to  re- 
late some  few  striking  incidents  of  our  own  con- 
sternation. It  was  evening.  A  courier  arrived, 
and,  repairing  to  the  presidents  of  the  senate,  in- 
formed them  that  Elatea  was  taken.  In  a  moment 
some  started  from  supper,  ran  to  the  public  place, 
drove  the  traders  from  their  stations,  and  set  fire 
to  their  sheds  ;  some  sent  round  to  call  the  gener- 
als ;  others  clamored  for  the  trumpeter.  Thus  was 
the  city  one  scene  of  tumult.  The  next  morning, 
by  dawn  of  day,  the  presidents  summoned  the 
senate.    The  people  were  instantly  collected  ;  and 


JO^ 


The  World's  Orators 


before  any  regular  authority  could  convene  their 
assembly,  the  whole  body  of  citizens  had  taken 
their  places  above.  Then  the  senate  entered  :  the 
presidents  reported  their  advices,  and  produced  the 
courier.  He  repeated  his  intelligence.  The  herald 
then  asked  in  form,  ''Who  chooses  to  speak?" 
All  was  silence.  The  invitation  was  frequently 
repeated  :  still  no  man  rose  ;  though  the  generals, 
though  the  ordinary  speakers  were  all  present ; 
though  the  voice  of  Athens  then  called  on  some 
man  to  speak  and  save  her :  for  surely  the  regular 
and  legal  proclamation  of  the  herald  may  be  fairly 
deemed  the  voice  of  Athens. 

If  an  honest  solicitude  for  the  preservation  of 
the  State  had  on  this  occasion  been  sufficient  to 
call  forth  a  speaker,  then,  my  countrymen,  ye 
must  have  all  risen  and  crowded  to  the  gallery  ; 
for  well  I  know  this  honest  solicitude  had  full 
possession  of  your  hearts.  If  wealth  had  obliged 
a  man  to  speak,  the  Three  Hundred  must  have 
risen.  If  patriotic  zeal  and  wealth  united  were 
the  qualification  necessary  for  the  speaker,  then 
should  we  have  heard  those  generous  citizens 
whose  beneficence  was  afterward  displayed  so 
nobly  in  the  service  of  the  State ;  for  their  bene- 
ficence proceeded  from  this  union  of  wealth  and 
patriotic  zeal.  But  this  occasion,  the  great  day, 
called,  it  seems,  not  only  for  a  well-affected  and 
an  affluent  citizen,  but  for  the  man  who  had  traced 


Second  Oration  on  the  Crown  331 

these  affairs  to  their  very  source  ;  who  had  formed 
the  exactest  judgment  of  Philip's  motives,  of  his 
secret  intentions  in  this  his  conduct.  He  who  was 
not  perfectly  informed  of  these ;  he  who  had  not 
watched  the  whole  progress  of  his  actions  with 
consummate  vigilance  ;  however  zealously  affected 
to  the  State,  however  blessed  with  wealth,  was  in 
nowise  better  qualified  to  conceive  or  to  propose 
the  measures  which  your  interests  demanded  on 
an  occasion  so  critical.  On  that  day,  then,  I  was 
the  man  who  stood  forth.  And  the  counsels  I 
then  proposed  may  now  merit  your  attention  on  a 
double  account :  first,  to  convince  you  that  of  all 
your  leaders  and  ministers,  I  was  the  only  one 
who  maintained  the  post  of  a  zealous  patriot  in 
your  extremity,  whose  words  and  actions  were 
devoted  to  your  service  in  the  midst  of  public  con- 
sternation :  and,  secondly,  to  enable  you  to  judge 
more  clearly  of  my  other  actions,  by  granting  a 
little  thought  to  this.     I  spoke  as  follows  : 

''Those  who  are  thrown  into  all  this  confusion, 
from  an  opinion  that  the  Thebans  are  gained  over 
to  the  interests  of  Philip,  seem  to  me  entirely 
ignorant  of  the  present  state  of  affairs.  Were  this 
the  case,  1  am  convinced  you  would  now  hear, 
not  that  he  was  at  Elatea,  but  on  our  very  frontier. 
His  intent  (as  I  clearly  see)  in  seizing  this  post  is  to 
facilitate  his  schemes  in  Thebes.  Attend,  and  1 
will  now  explain  the  circumstances  of  that  state. 


33^  The  World's  Orators 

Those  of  its  citizens  whom  his  gold  could  corrupt 
or  his  artifice  deceive  are  all  at  his  devotion  ;  those 
who  at  first  opposed  and  continue  to  oppose  him 
he  finds  incapable  of  being  wrought  on.  What 
then  is  his  design  ?  Why  hath  he  seized  Elatea  ? 
That  by  drawing  up  his  forces  and  displaying  his 
powers  on  the  borders  of  Thebes  he  may  inspire 
his  adherents  with  confidence  and  hopefulness, 
and  may  strike  such  terror  into  his  adversaries  that 
fear  or  force  may  drive  them  into  those  measures 
they  have  hitherto  opposed.  If  then  we  are  re- 
solved in  this  emergency  to  cherish  the  remem- 
brance of  every  unkindness  we  may  have  received 
from  the  Thebans — if  we  regard  them  with  sus- 
picion, as  men  who  have  ranged  themselves  on  the 
side  of  our  enemy — we  shall,  in  the  first  place,  act 
agreeably  to  Philip's  warmest  wishes ;  and  then  I 
am  apprehensive  that  the  party  which  now  opposes 
him  may  be  brought  over  to  his  interest,  the  whole 
city  declare  unanimously  in  his  favor,  and  Thebes 
and  Macedon  fall  with  their  united  force  on  Attica. 
Grant  due  attention  to  what  1  shall  propose  ;  let  it 
be  calmly  weighed,  without  dispute  or  cavil,  and  I 
doubt  not  but  that  my  counsels  may  direct  you  to 
the  best  and  most  salutary  measures  and  dispel  the 
dangers  nov/  impending  over  the  State.  What  then 
do  I  propose  ? 

"  First  shake  off  that  terror  which  hath  possessed 
your  minds,  and,  instead  of  fearing  for  yourselves, 


Second  Oration  on  the  Crown  333 

fear  for  the  Thebans ;  they  are  more  immediately 
exposed  and  must  be  the  first  to  feel  the  danger. 
In  the  next  place,  let  all  those  of  the  age  for  military 
service,  both  infantry  and  cavalry,  march  instantly 
to  Eleusis,  that  Greece  may  see  that  you  too  are 
assembled  in  arms  ;  and  your  friends  in  Thebes  be 
emboldened  to  assert  their  rights,  when  they  are 
assured,  that  as  they  who  have  sold  their  country 
to  the  Macedonian  have  a  force  at  Elatea  to  sup- 
port them,  you,  too,  stand  prepared  to  support 
their  antagonists.  1  recommend  in  the  last  place, 
that  you  nominate  ten  ambassadors,  who,  with 
the  generals,  shall  have  full  authority  to  determine 
the  time  and  all  other  circumstances  of  this  march. 
When  these  ambassadors  shall  arrive  at  Thebes 
how  are  they  to  conduct  this  great  affair  ?  This 
is  a  point  worthy  your  most  serious  attention. 
Make  no  demands  at  all  of  the  Thebans ;  at  this 
juncture  it  would  be  dishonorable.  Assure  them 
that  your  forces  are  ready,  and  but  wait  their 
orders  to  march  to  their  support  as  you  are 
deeply  affected  by  their  danger,  and  have  been  so 
happy  as  to  foresee  and  to  guard  against  it.  If 
they  are  prevailed  on  to  embrace  these  overtures, 
we  shall  effect  our  great  purpose  and  act  with  a 
dignity  worthy  of  our  State  ;  but  should  it  hap- 
pen that  we  are  not  so  successful,  whatever  mis- 
fortunes they  may  suffer,  to  themselves  these  shall 
be  imputed  ;  while  your  own  conduct  shall  appear 


334  The  World's  Orators 

in  no  one  instance  inconsistent  with  the  honor  and 
renown  of  Athens." 

These  and  other  like  suggestions  did  I  offer. 
I  came  down  amid  the  universal  applause  of  the 
assembly,  without  one  word  of  opposition  or  dis- 
sent. Nor  did  I  thus  speak  without  proposing 
my  decree  in  form  ;  nor  did  I  propose  my  decree 
without  proceeding  on  the  embassy  ;  nor  did  I 
proceed  on  the  embassy  without  prevailing  on  the 
Thebans.  From  first  to  last  my  conduct  was 
uniform,  my  perseverance  invariable,  my  whole 
powers  entirely  devoted  to  repel  the  dangers 
then  encompassing  the  State.  Produce  the  de- 
cree made  on  this  occasion.  Say,  /Eschines,  what 
character  are  we  to  ascribe  to  you  on  that  great 
day  ?  and  in  what  light  am  I  to  be  considered  ? 
As  a  Batalus,  the  odious  name  your  scorn  and 
malice  have  given  me  ?  And  you,  a  hero  of  no 
ordinary  rank,  a  dramatic  hero,  a  Cresphontes,  a 
Creon,  or  an  CEnomaus,  the  character  in  which 
your  vile  performance  was  punished  with  such 
heavy  stripes  ?  On  that  day  our  country  had  full 
proof  that  I,  the  Batalus,  could  perform  more 
worthy  service  than  you,  the  CEnomaus.  You 
performed  no  services  whatever ;  1  discharged  the 
duty  of  a  faithful  citizen  in  the  amplest  manner. 

Here  was  the  foundation  laid  ;  here  was  the  first 
establishment  of  our  interest  in  Thebes.  Hitherto 
the  traitors  had  been  too  successful,  and  all  was 


Second  Oration  on  the  Crown  335 

animosity,  aversion,  and  suspicion  between  the 
cities.  But  by  this  decree  that  danger  which  hung 
lowering  over  our  State  was  in  an  instant  dissi- 
pated like  a  vapor.  And  surely  it  was  the  duty  of 
an  honest  citizen,  if  he  had  any  better  measures  to 
propose,  to  have  declared  them  publicly,  not  to 
have  cavilled  now.  For  the  counsellor  and  the 
sycophant  are  characters  entirely  different  in  every 
particular ;  but  in  this  are  they  more  especially  dis- 
tinguished from  each  other — that  the  one  fairly 
declares  his  opinion  previous  to  the  event,  and 
makes  himself  accountable  to  those  whom  he  hath 
influenced,  to  fortune,  to  the  times,  to  the  world  ; 
while  the  other  is  silent  when  he  ought  to  speak, 
but  when  some  melancholy  accident  hath  hap- 
pened he  dwells  on  this  with  the  most  invidious 
censure.  That  was  the  time  (I  repeat  it)  for  a  man 
sincerely  attached  to  his  country  and  to  truth. 
Yet,  such  is  my  confidence  in  the  abundant  merits 
of  my  cause,  that  if  any  man  can  now  point  out  a 
better  course,  nay,  if  there  be  any  course  at  all  but 
that  which  1  pursued,  I  shall  confess  myself  crim- 
inal ;  for  if  any  more  expedient  conduct  hath  been 
now  discovered,  I  allow  that  it  ought  not  to  have 
escaped  me.  But  if  there  neither  is,  nor  was,  nor 
can  be  such  a  conduct  pointed  out,  no,  not  at  this 
day,  what  was  the  part  of  your  minister  ?  Was  it 
not  to  choose  the  best  of  such  measures  as  oc- 
curred, of  such  as  were  really  in  his  power  ?    And 


33^  The  World's  Orators 

this  I  did,  y^schines,  when  the  herald  asked  in  due 
form,  ''Who  chooses  to  address  the  people?" 
not  ''  Who  will  inveigh  against  things  past  ?  "  not 
''  Who  will  answer  for  things  to  come  ?  "  In  this 
juncture  you  kept  your  seat  in  the  assembly  with- 
out uttering  one  word.  1  rose  up  and  spoke. 
Well !  though  you  were  then  silent,  yet  now  ex- 
plain your  sentiments.  Say,  what  expedient  was 
there  which  1  should  have  devised  ?  What  favor- 
able juncture  was  lost  to  the  State  by  my  means  ? 
What  alliance,  what  scheme  of  conduct  was  there 
to  which  I  should  have  rather  led  my  fellow- 
citizens  ?  Not  that  the  time  once  elapsed  is  ever 
made  the  subject  of  debate  ;  for  that  time  no  man 
ever  suggests  expedients.  It  is  the  coming  or  the 
present  juncture  which  demands  the  offices  of  a 
counsellor.  And  in  that  juncture,  when  some  of 
our  misfortunes,  it  seems,  were  coming  on,  some 
were  already  present,  consider  my  intention  ;  do 
not  point  your  malice  at  the  event ;  the  final  issue 
of  all  human  actions  depends  on  God.  Do  not 
then  impute  it  as  my  offence  that  Philip  was  victo- 
rious in  the  battle.  This  is  an  event  determined 
by  God,  not  by  me.  Let  it  be  proved  that  I  did 
not  take  every  precaution  which  human  prudence 
could  suggest ;  that  I  did  not  exert  myself  with 
integrity,  with  assiduity,  with  toil  even  greater 
than  my  strength  ;  that  the  conduct  I  pursued  was 
not  noble,  was  not  worthy  of  the  State,  was  not 


Second  Oration  on  the  Crown  337 

necessary ; — let  this  be  proved,  and  then  accuse 
me.  But  if  a  sudden  clap  of  thunder,  if  a  furious 
tempest  burst  at  once  on  us,  and  laid  prostrate,  not 
our  State  alone,  but  every  State  in  Greece, — what 
then  ?  Am  I  to  be  accused  ?  With  equal  justice 
might  the  trader,  who  sends  out  his  vessel  equipped 
and  furnished  for  a  voyage,  be  deemed  guilty  of 
her  wreck,  when  she  had  encountered  a  storm  so 
violent  as  to  endamage,  nay,  to  tear  down  her 
tackle.  He  might  plead  thus :  "  I  was  not  pilot 
in  the  voyage."  Nor  was  I  commander  of  your 
army,  nor  I  master  of  Fortune  :  she  it  is  who  com- 
mands the  world.  And  let  this  be  duly  weighed  : 
if  when  the  Thebans  engaged  on  our  side  we  were 
yet  fated  to  this  calamity,  what  were  we  to  expect 
if  they  had  not  only  been  detached  from  us,  but 
united  with  our  enemy,  in  compliance  with  all  his 
urgent  solicitations  ?  If  when  the  armies  fought 
at  a  distance  of  three  days'  march  from  Attica  such 
danger  and  consternation  fell  on  the  city,  what  if 
the  defeat  had  happened  in  our  own  territory  ? 
Think  you  that  we  could  have  stood  ?  that  we 
could  have  assembled  here  ?  that  we  could  have 
breathed  ?  The  respite  of  one  day  (at  least  of  two 
or  three)  is  oftentimes  of  signal  moment  to  the 
preservation  of  a  people.  In  the  other  case — but  I 
cannot  bear  to  mention  what  we  must  have  suf- 
fered if  this  State  had  not  been  protected  by  the 
favor  of  some  god,  and  the  interposition  of  this 


VOL.  I. — 22. 


33^  The  World's  Orators 

alliance,  the  perpetual  subject  [y^schines]  of  your 
clamorous  malice. 

All  this  particular  discussion  is  addressed  to  you, 
ye  judges,  and  to  those  auditors  who  stand  round 
the  tribunal.  As  to  this  miscreant,  he  needs  but 
one  short  and  plain  reply.  If  you,  y^schines,  were 
the  only  man  among  us  who  foresaw  the  issue,  it 
was  your  duty  to  have  foretold  it  to  your  country- 
men ;  if  you  did  not  foresee  it,  you  are  as  account- 
able for  such  ignorance  as  any  other  citizen  !  What 
better  right,  then,  have  you  to  urge  this  as  a  crime 
against  me  than  1  to  accuse  you  on  the  same  occa- 
sion ?  When  at  this  juncture,  not  to  mention 
others,  I  approved  myself  so  far  a  better  citizen 
than  you,  as  1  was  entirely  devoted  to  what  ap- 
peared the  true  interest  of  my  country,  not  nicely 
weighing,  not  once  considering  my  private  danger ; 
while  you  never  proposed  any  better  measures, 
else  we  had  not  adopted  these,  nor  in  the  prosecu- 
tion of  these  were  we  assisted  by  any  services  of 
yours.  No  ;  the  event  discovered  that  your  con- 
duct had  been  such  as  the  basest,  the  most  invet- 
erate enemy  of  this  State  must  have  pursued. 
And  observable,  indeed,  it  is,  that  at  the  very  time 
when  Aristratus  at  Naxos  and  Aristolaus  at  Thas- 
sus,  equally  the  avowed  foes  of  Athens,  are  harass- 
ing the  Athenian  partisans  by  prosecutions,  here 
y^schines  hath  brought  his  accusations  against  De- 
mosthenes.    But  the  man  who  derives  his  conse- 


Second  Oration  on  the  Crown  339 

quence  from  the  calamities  of  Greece  should  rather 
meet  his  own  just  punishment  than  stand  up  to 
prosecute  another ;  the  man  whose  interests  are 
advanced  by  the  conjunctures  most  favorable  to 
those  of  our  public  enemies  can  never,  surely,  be 
a  friend  to  our  country.  And  that  this  is  your 
case,  your  life,  your  actions,  the  measures  you  have 
pursued,  the  measures  you  have  declined,  all  de- 
monstrate. Is  there  anything  effected  which  prom- 
ises advantage  to  the  State  ?  y^schines  is  mute. 
Are  we  crossed  by  an  untoward  accident  ?  y^s- 
chines  rises.  Just  as  our  old  sprains  and  fractures 
again  become  sensible  when  any  malady  hath 
attacked  our  bodies. 

But  since  he  hath  insisted  so  much  on  the  event, 
1  shall  hazard  a  bold  assertion  :  but  in  the  name  of 
Heaven  !  let  it  not  be  deemed  extravagant ;  let  it 
be  weighed  with  candor.  I  say,  then,  that  had  we 
all  known  what  fortune  was  to  attend  our  efforts  ; 
had  we  all  foreseen  the  final  issue  ;  had  you  fore- 
told it,  y^schines ;  had  you  bellowed  out  your 
terrible  denunciations  (you,  whose  voice  was  never 
heard)  ;  yet,  even  in  such  a  case,  must  this  city 
have  pursued  the  very  same  conduct  if  she  had 
retained  a  thought  of  glory,  of  her  ancestors,  or 
of  future  times  ;  for  thus  she  could  only  have  been 
deemed  unfortunate  in  her  attempts ;  and  misfor- 
tunes are  the  lot  of  all  men  whenever  it  may  please 
Heaven  to  inflict  them.     But  if  that  State  which 


340  The  World's  Orators 

once  claimed  the  first  rank  in  Greece  had  resigned 
this  rank  in  time  of  danger,  she  had  incurred  the 
censure  of  betraying  the  whole  nation  to  the 
enemy.  If  we  had  indeed  given  up  those  points 
without  one  blow,  for  which  our  fathers  encoun- 
tered every  peril,  who  would  not  have  spurned 
you  with  scorn  ? — you  the  author  of  such  conduct, 
not  the  State,  or  me  ?  In  the  name  of  Heaven  ! 
say,  with  what  face  could  we  have  met  those  for- 
eigners who  sometimes  visit  us  if  such  scandalous 
supineness  on  our  part  had  brought  affairs  to  their 
present  situation  ?  if  Philip  had  been  chosen  gen- 
eral of  the  Grecian  army,  and  some  other  State 
had  drawn  the  sword  against  this  insidious  nomina- 
tion, and  fought  the  battle  unassisted  by  the  Athe- 
nians— that  people  who  in  ancient  times  never 
preferred  inglorious  security  to  honorable  danger  ? 
What  part  of  Greece,  what  part  of  the  barbarian 
world  has  not  heard  that  the  Thebans  in  their 
period  of  success,  that  the  Lacedaemonians  whose 
power  was  older  and  more  extensive,  that  the 
King  of  Persia  would  have  cheerfully  and  joyfully 
consented  that  this  State  should  enjoy  her  own 
dominions,  together  with  an  accession  of  territory 
ample  as  her  wishes,  on  this  condition — that  she 
should  receive  law,  and  suffer  another  State  to  pre- 
side in  Greece  ?  But  to  Athenians  this  was  a  con- 
dition unbecoming  their  descent,  intolerable  to 
their  spirit,  repugnant  to  their  nature.     Athens 


Second  Oration  on  the  Crown  341 

never  was  once  known  to  live  in  a  slavish,  though 
a  secure  obedience  to  unjust  and  arbitrary  power. 
No  ;  our  whole  history  is  one  series  of  noble  con- 
tests for  preeminence ;  the  whole  period  of  our 
existence  hath  been  spent  in  braving  dangers  for 
the  sake  of  glory  and  renown.  And  so  highly  do 
you  esteem  such  conduct,  so  consonant  to  the 
Athenian  character,  that  those  of  your  ancestors 
who  were  most  distinguished  in  the  pursuit  of  it 
are  ever  the  most  favorite  objects  of  your  praise. 
And  with  reason  ;  for  who  can  reflect  without  as- 
tonishment on  the  magnanimity  of  those  men  who 
resigned  their  lands,  gave  up  their  city,  and  em- 
barked in  their  ships,  to  avoid  the  odious  state  of 
subjection  ?  who  chose  Themistocles,  the  adviser 
of  this  conduct,  to  command  their  forces ;  and 
when  Cyrcilus  proposed  that  they  should  yield  to 
the  terms  prescribed,  stoned  him  to  death  ?  Nay, 
the  public  indignation  was  not  yet  allayed.  Your 
very  wives  inflicted  the  same  vengeance  on  his 
wife  ;  for  the  Athenians  of  that  day  looked  out  for 
no  speaker,  no  general  to  procure  them  a  state  of 
prosperous  slavery.  They  had  the  spirit  to  reject 
even  life,  unless  they  were  allowed  to  enjoy  that 
life  in  freedom.  For  it  was  a  principle  fixed  deeply 
in  every  breast,  that  man  was  not  born  to  his 
parents  only,  but  to  his  country.  And  mark  the 
distinction  :  he  who  regards  himself  as  born  only 
to  his  parents  waits  in  passive   submission  for 


342  The  World's  Orators 

the  hour  of  his  natural  dissolution  ;  he  who  con- 
siders that  he  is  the  child  of  his  country  also  is 
prepared  to  meet  his  fate  freely  rather  than  behold 
that  country  reduced  to  vassalage,  and  thinks  those 
insults  and  disgraces  which  he  must  meet  in  a  State 
enslaved  much  more  terrible  than  death.  Should 
1  then  attempt  to  assert  that  it  was  I  who  inspired 
you  with  sentiments  worthy  of  your  ancestors,  1 
should  meet  the  just  resentment  of  every  hearer. 
No ;  it  is  my  point  to  show  that  such  sentiments 
are  properly  your  own  ;  that  they  were  the  senti- 
ments of  my  country  long  before  my  days.  I  claim 
but  my  share  of  merit  in  having  acted  on  such 
principles  in  every  part  of  my  administration.  He, 
then,  who  condemns  every  part  of  my  administra- 
tion ;  he  who  directs  you  to  treat  me  with  severity, 
as  one  who  hath  involved  the  State  in  terrors  and 
dangers,  while  he  labors  to  deprive  me  of  present 
honors,  robs  you  of  the  applause  of  all  posterity. 
For  if  you  now  pronounce  that,  as  my  public  con- 
duct hath  not  been  right,  Ctesiphon  must  stand 
condemned,  it  must  be  thought  that  you  your- 
selves have  acted  wrong,  not  that  you  owe  your 
present  state  to  the  caprice  of  fortune.  But  it  can- 
not be !  No,  my  countrymen,  it  cannot  be  that 
you  have  acted  wrong  in  encountering  danger 
bravely  for  the  liberty  and  the  safety  of  all  Greece. 
No  !  by  those  generous  souls  of  ancient  times  who 
were  exposed  at  Marathon  !  by  those  who  stood 


Second  Oration  on  the  Crown  343 

arrayed  at  Platsea  !  by  those  who  encountered  the 
Persian  fleet  at  Salamis,  who  fought  at  Artemisium  I 
by  all  those  illustrious  sons  of  Athens  whose  re- 
mains lie  deposited  in  the  public  monuments !  all 
of  whom  received  the  same  honorable  interment 
from  their  country — not  those  only  who  prevailed, 
not  those  only  who  were  victorious  :  and  with  rea- 
son. What  was  the  part  of  gallant  men  they  all 
performed  ;  their  success  was  such  as  the  Supreme 
Director  of  the  world  dispensed  to  each. 

Well,  then,  thou  miscreant !  thou  abject  scriv- 
ener !  thou,  who,  to  rob  me  of  the  honors  and  the 
affections  of  these  my  countrymen,  talkest  of 
battles,  of  trophies,  of  brave  deeds  of  old.  And 
what  are  these,  or  any  of  these  to  the  present 
cause  ?  Say,  thou  vile  player !  when  I  assumed 
the  character  of  a  public  counsellor,  and  on  an 
object  so  important  as  the  natural  preeminence  of 
my  country,  with  what  principles  should  I  have 
arisen  to  speak  ?  Those  of  suggesting  measures 
unworthy  of  my  countrymen  ?  Then  must  I  have 
met  that  death  I  merited.  And  when  the  interests  of 
the  State  come  before  you,  your  minds,  my  fellow- 
citizens,  should  be  possessed  with  an  extraordinary 
degree  of  elevation,  beyond  what  is  necessary  in 
private  causes.  When  these  are  to  be  decided, 
you  have  only  to  consider  the  ordinary  transactions 
of  the  world,  the  tenor  of  your  laws,  and  the 
nature  of  private  facts.     But,  in  questions  of  State, 


344  The  World's  Orators 

you  are  to  look  up  to  your  illustrious  ancestors ; 
and  every  judge  is  to  suppose,  that  with  the 
symbols  of  his  authority,  he  is  also  invested  with 
the  high  character  of  his  country.  Thus,  and  thus 
only,  shall  he  determine  on  such  questions  in  a 
manner  worthy  of  these  his  ancestors. 

No,  /Eschines,  if  you  are  determined  to  examine 
into  my  fortune,  compare  it  with  your  own  :  and 
if  you  fmd  mine  superior,  let  it  be  no  longer  the 
subject  of  your  reproach.  Let  us  trace  this  matter 
fully.  And  here,  in  the  name  of  all  the  gods  !  let 
me  not  be  censured  as  betraying  any  indication  of 
a  low  mind.  No  man  can  be  more  sensible  than  1 
that  he  who  insults  poverty,  and  he  who,  because 
he  hath  been  bred  in  affluence,  assumes  an  air  of 
pride  and  consequence,  are  equally  devoid  of  under- 
standing. But  the  virulence  and  restless  malice  of 
an  inveterate  adversary  hath  forced  me  on  this 
topic,  where  1  shall  study  to  confine  myself  within 
as  strict  bounds  as  the  case  can  possibly  admit. 

Know,  then,  /Eschines,  it  was  my  fortune,  when 
a  youth,  to  be  trained  up  in  a  liberal  course  of 
education,  supplied  in  such  a  manner  as  to  place 
me  above  the  base  temptations  of  poverty  :  when 
a  man,  to  act  suitably  to  such  an  education,  to  con- 
tribute in  my  full  proportion  to  all  the  exigencies 
of  the  State ;  never  to  be  wanting  in  any  honor- 
able conduct,  either  in  private  or  in  public  life,  but 
on  all  occasions  to  prove  myself  useful  to  my 


Second  Oration  on  the  Crown  345 

country  and  to  my  friends.  When  I  came  into  the 
administration  of  public  affairs,  I  determined  on 
such  a  course  of  conduct  as  frequently  gained  me 
the  honor  of  a  crown,  both  from  this  and  other 
States  of  Greece.  Nor  could  you,  my  enemies, 
attempt  to  say  that  I  had  determined  on  a  dishonor- 
able course.  Such  hath  been  the  fortune  of  my 
life — a  subject  on  which  I  might  enlarge ;  but  I 
must  restrain  myself,  lest  I  should  give  offence  by 
an  affectation  of  importance. 

Come,  then,  thou  man  of  dignity,  thou  who 
spurnest  at  all  others  with  contempt ;  examine  thy 
own  life  ;  say,  of  what  kind  hath  thy  fortune  been  ? 
She  placed  thee  when  a  youth  in  a  state  of  abject 
poverty,  an  assistant  to  thy  father  in  his  school, 
employed  in  the  menial  services  of  preparing  his 
ink,  washing  down  his  benches,  and  sweeping  his 
room,  like  a  slave  rather  than  a  child  of  a  citizen. 
When  arrived  at  manhood,  we  fmd  thee  dictating 
the  forms  of  initiation  to  thy  mother,  assisting  in 
her  trade,  every  night  employed  with  thy  fawn- 
skin  and  lustral  bowls,  purifying  the  novitiates, 
modelling  their  little  figures  of  clay  and  bran,  then 
rousing  them,  and  teaching  them  to  pronounce, 
*'  I  have  escaped  the  bad  ;  1  have  found  the  better ; " 
glorying  in  this  noble  accomplishment  of  howling 
out  such  jargon  louder  than  the  rest.  And  it  is  an 
honor  we  must  allow  him  ;  for,  as  he  pleads  with 
so  much  vehemence,  you  may  conclude  that  in  his 


34^  The  World's  Orators 

bowlings  he  was  equally  piercing  and  clamorous. 
In  the  daytime  he  led  his  noble  Bacchanals  through 
the  highways  crowned  with  fennel  and  poplar, 
grasping  his  serpents,  and  waving  them  above 
his  head,  with  his  yell  of  "  Evoe  !  Saboe  !  "  then 
bounding  and  roaring  out  "Hyes!  Attes !  Attes ! 
Hyes  !  " — "  Leader ! — Conductor ! — Ivy-bearer ! — 
Van-bearer !  "  these  were  his  felicitations  from  the 
old  women  :  and  his  wages  were  tart,  biscuit,  and 
new-baked  crusts.  In  such  circumstances,  surely 
we  must  congratulate  him  on  his  fortune. 

When  you  had  obtained  your  enrollment  among 
our  citizens — by  what  means  I  shall  not  mention 
— but  when  you  had  obtained  it,  you  instantly 
chose  out  the  most  honorable  of  employments, 
that  of  under-scrivener,  and  assistant  to  the  lowest 
of  our  public  officers.  And  when  you  retired 
from  this  station,  where  you  had  been  guilty  of  all 
those  practices  you  charge  on  others,  you  were 
careful  not  to  disgrace  any  of  the  past  actions 
of  your  life.  No,  by  the  powers !  You  hired 
yourself  to  Simylus  and  Socrates,  those  deep- 
groaning  tragedies,  as  they  were  called,  and  acted 
third  characters.  You  pillaged  the  grounds  of 
other  men  for  figs,  grapes,  and  olives,  like  a  fruit- 
erer ;  which  cost  you  more  blows  than  even  your 
playing — which  was  in  effect  playing  for  your  life  ; 
for  there  was  an  implacable,  irreconcilable  war 
declared  between  you  and  the  spectators,  whose 


Second  Oration  on  the  Crown  347 

stripes  you  felt  so  often  and  so  severely,  that  you 
may  well  deride  those  as  cowards  who  are  un- 
experienced in  such  perils.  But  1  shall  not  dwell 
on  such  particulars  as  may  be  imputed  to  his 
poverty.  My  objections  shall  be  confined  to  his 
principles.  Such  were  the  measures  you  adopted 
in  your  public  conduct  (for  you  at  last  conceived 
the  bold  design  of  engaging  in  affairs  of  State), 
that  while  your  country  prospered  you  led  a  life 
of  trepidation  and  dismay,  expecting  every  mo- 
ment the  stroke  due  to  those  iniquities  which 
stung  your  conscience  ;  when  your  fellow-citizens 
were  unfortunate,  then  were  you  distinguished  by 
a  peculiar  confidence.  And  the  man  who  as- 
sumes this  confidence  when  thousands  of  his 
countrymen  have  perished — what  should  he  justly 
suffer  from  those  who  are  left  alive  ?  And  here  1 
might  produce  many  other  particulars  of  his  char- 
acter. But  I  suppress  them,  for  I  am  not  to  ex- 
haust the  odious  subject  of  his  scandalous  actions. 
I  am  confined  to  those  which  it  may  not  be  in- 
decent to  repeat. 

Take,  then,  the  whole  course  of  your  life, 
ytschines,  and  of  mine ;  compare  them  without 
heat  or  acrimony.  You  attended  on  your  schol- 
ars ;  I  was  myself  a  scholar.  You  served  in  the 
initiations ;  1  was  initiated.  You  were  a  per- 
former in  our  public  entertainments ;  I  was  the 
director.    You  took  notes  of  speeches ;  I  was  a 


348  The  World's  Orators 

speaker.  You  were  an  under-player ;  I,  was  a 
spectator.  You  failed  in  your  part ;  1  hissed  you. 
Your  public  conduct  was  devoted  to  our  enemies  ; 
mine  to  my  country.  1  shall  only  add  that  on 
this  day  I  appear  to  be  approved  worthy  of  a 
crown  :  the  question  is  not  whether  I  have  been 
merely  blameless  ;  this  is  a  point  confessed.  You 
appear  as  a  false  accuser ;  and  the  question  is, 
whether  you  are  ever  to  appear  again  in  such  a 
character.  You  are  in  danger  of  being  effectually 
prevented,  by  feeling  the  consequences  of  a  ma- 
licious prosecution.  The  fortune  of  your  life,  then, 
hath  been  truly  excellent ;  you  see  it.  Mine  hath 
been  mean  ;  and  you  have  reason  to  reproach  it. 
Come,  then,  hear  me  while  I  read  the  several 
attestations  of  those  public  offices  which  I  have 
discharged ;  and,  in  return  do  you  repeat  those 
verses  which  you  spoiled  in  the  delivery : 


And, 


Forth  from  the  deep  abyss,  behold,  I  come  ; 
And  the  dread  portal  of  the  dusky  gloom. 


Know,  then,  howe'er  reluctant,  I  must  speak 
Those  evils 


Oh,  may  the  gods  inflict  "those  evils"  on  thee  I 
may  these  thy  countrymen  inflict  them  to  thy 
utter  destruction  !— thou  enemy  to  Athens !  thou 
traitor !  thou  vile  player !— Read  the  attestations. 
[The  attestations  are  read.] 


Second  Oration  on  the  Crown  349 

Amid  all  this  shamefully  avowed  corruption,  this 
confederacy,  or  (shall  I  call  it  by  its  true  name  ?) 
this  traitorous  conspiracy  against  the  liberty  of 
Greece,  my  conduct  preserved  the  reputation  of 
this  State  unimpeached  by  the  world ;  while  my 
character,  Athenians,  stood  equally  unimpeached 
by  you.  Do  you  ask  me,  then,  on  what  merits  I 
claim  this  honor  ?  Hear  my  answer.  When  all 
the  popular  leaders  through  Greece  had  been  taught 
by  your  example,  and  accepted  the  wages  of  cor- 
ruption, from  Philip  first,  and  now  from  Alexander, 
no  favorable  moment  was  found  to  conquer  my 
integrity  ;  no  insinuation  of  address,  no  magnifi- 
cence of  promises,  no  hopes,  no  fears,  no  favor — 
nothing  could  prevail  on  me  to  resign  the  least 
part  of  what  1  deemed  the  just  rights  and  interests 
of  my  country  :  nor,  when  my  counsels  were 
demanded,  was  1  ever  known,  like  you  and  your 
associates,  to  lean  to  that  side  where  a  bribe  had 
been,  as  it  were,  cast  into  the  scale.  No ;  my 
whole  conduct  was  influenced  by  a  spirit  of  recti- 
tude, a  spirit  of  justice  and  integrity  ;  and,  engaged 
as  I  was  in  affairs  of  greater  moment  than  any 
statesman  of  my  time,  I  administered  them  all  with 
a  most  exact  and  uncorrupted  faith.  These  are  the 
merits  on  which  1  claim  this  honor. 

As  to  those  public  works  so  much  the  object  of 
your  ridicule,  they  undoubtedly  demand  a  due 
share  of  honor  and  applause  ;  but  1  rate  them  far 


350  The  World's  Orators 

beneath  the  great  merits  of  my  administration.  It 
is  not  with  stones  or  bricks  that  I  have  fortified  the 
city.  It  is  not  from  works  like  these  that  I  derive 
my  reputation.  Would  you  know  my  methods 
of  fortifying  ?  Examine,  and  you  will  find  them 
in  the  arms,  the  towns,  the  territories,  the  harbors 
I  have  secured  ;  the  navies,  the  troops,  the  armies 
I  have  raised.  These  are  the  works  by  which  I 
defended  Attica,  as  far  as  human  foresight  could 
defend  it ;  these  are  the  fortifications  I  drew  round 
our  whole  territory,  and  not  the  circuit  of  our  har- 
bor or  of  our  city  only.  In  these  acts  of  policy,  in 
these  provisions  for  a  war  I  never  yielded  to  Philip. 
No  ;  it  was  our  generals  and  our  confederate  forces 
who  yielded  to  fortune.  Would  you  know  the 
proofs  of  this  ?  They  are  plain  and  evident.  Con- 
sider :  what  was  the  part  of  a  faithful  citizen  ?  of  a 
prudent,  an  active,  and  an  honest  minister  ?  Was 
he  not  to  secure  Euboea,  as  our  defence  against 
all  attacks  by  sea  ?  Was  he  not  to  make  Boeotia 
our  barrier  on  the  midland  side  ?  the  cities  border- 
ing on  Peloponnesus  our  bulwark  on  that  quar- 
ter? Was  he  not  to  attend  with  due  precaution 
to  the  importation  of  corn,  that  this  trade  might 
be  protected  through  all  its  progress  up  to  our 
own  harbor  ?  Was  he  not  to  cover  those  districts 
which  we  commanded  by  seasonable  detachments 
— as  the  Proconesus,  the  Chersonesus,  and  Tene- 
dos  ?    To  exert  himself  in  the  assembly  for  this 


Second  Oration  on  the  Crown  351 

purpose  ?  while  with  equal  zeal  he  labored  to  gain 
others  to  our  interest  and  alliance — as  Byzantium, 
Abydus,  and  Euboea  ?  Was  he  not  to  cut  off  the 
best  and  most  important  resources  of  our  enemies, 
and  to  supply  those  in  which  our  country  was 
defective  ?  And  all  this  you  gained  by  my  coun- 
sels and  my  administration — such  counsels  and 
such  an  administration  as  must  appear,  upon  a 
fair  and  equitable  view,  the  result  of  strict  in- 
tegrity ;  such  as  left  no  favorable  juncture  unim- 
proved through  ignorance  or  treachery ;  such  as 
ever  had  their  due  effect,  as  far  as  the  judgment 
and  abilities  of  one  man  could  prove  effectual. 
But  if  some  superior  being ;  if  the  power  of  for- 
tune ;  if  the  misconduct  of  generals  ;  if  the  iniquity 
of  our  traitors  ;  or  if  all  these  together  broke  in 
on  us,  and  at  length  involved  us  in  one  general 
devastation,  how  is  Demosthenes  to  be  blamed  ? 
Had  there  been  a  single  man  in  each  Grecian  State 
to  act  the  same  part  which  I  supported  in  this 
city, — nay,  had  but  one  such  man  been  found  in 
Thessaly  and  one  in  Arcadia,  actuated  by  my  prin- 
ciples, not  a  single  Greek,  either  beyond  or  on  this 
side  of  Thermopylae,  could  have  experienced  the 
misfortunes  of  this  day.  All  had  then  been  free 
and  independent,  in  perfect  tranquillity,  security, 
and  happiness,  uncontrolled  in  their  several  com- 
munities by  any  foreign  power,  and  filled  with 
gratitude  to  you  and  to  your  State,  the  authors 


352  The  World's  Orators 

of  these  blessings  so  extensive  and  so  precious. 
And  all  this  by  my  means.  To  convince  you  that 
1  have  spoken  much  less  than  I  could  justify  by 
facts,  that  in  this  detail  I  have  studiously  guarded 
against  envy,  take — read  the  list  of  our  confeder- 
ates, as  they  were  procured  by  my  decrees. 

These,  and  such  as  these,  /Eschines,  are  the 
actions  which  become  a  noble-minded,  honest 
citizen. 

There  are  two  distinguishing  qualities,  Athe- 
nians, which  the  virtuous  citizen  should  ever  possess 
— (1  speak  in  general  terms,  as  the  least  invidious 
method  of  doing  justice  to  myself)— a  zeal  for  the 
honor  and  preeminence  of  the  State  in  his  official 
conduct ;  on  all  occasions,  and  in  all  transactions, 
an  affection  for  his  country.  This  nature  can 
bestow.  Abilities  and  success  depend  on  another 
power.  And  in  this  affection  you  find  me  firm 
and  invariable.  Not  the  solemn  demand  of  my 
person  ;  not  the  vengeance  of  the  Amphictyonic 
Council,  which  they  denounced  against  me ;  not 
the  terror  of  their  threatenings  ;  not  the  flattery  of 
their  promises  ;  no,  nor  the  fury  of  those  accursed 
wretches  whom  they  roused  like  wild  beasts 
against  me  could  ever  tear  this  affection  from  my 
breast.  From  first  to  last  1  have  uniformly  pursued 
a  just  and  virtuous  course  of  conduct ;  assertor 
of  the  honors,  of  the  prerogatives,  of  the  glory  of 


Second  Oration  on  the  Crown  353 

my  country ;  studious  to  support  them,  zealous 
to  advance  them,  my  whole  being  is  devoted 
to  this  glorious  cause.  1  was  never  known  to 
march  through  the  city  with  a  face  of  joy 
and  exultation  at  the  success  of  a  foreign  power ; 
embracing  and  announcing  the  joyful  tidings  to 
those  who,  I  supposed,  would  transmit  it  to  the 
proper  place.  I  was  never  known  to  receive  the 
successes  of  my  own  country  with  tremblings, 
with  sighings,  with  eyes  bending  to  the  earth,  like 
those  impious  men  who  are  the  defamers  of  the 
State,  as  if  by  such  conduct  they  were  not  defam- 
ers of  themselves  ;  who  look  abroad,  and,  when  a 
foreign  potentate  hath  established  his  power  on  the 
calamities  of  Greece,  applaud  the  event,  and  tell 
us  we  should  take  every  means  to  perpetuate  his 
power. 

Hear  me,  ye  immortal  gods !  and  let  not  these 
their  desires  be  ratified  in  heaven  !  Infuse  a  better 
spirit  into  these  men  !  Inspire  even  their  minds 
with  purer  sentiments  ! — This  is  my  first  prayer. — 
Or,  if  their  natures  are  not  to  be  reformed,  on 
them,  on  them  only  discharge  your  vengeance ! 
Pursue  them  both  by  land  and  sea !  Pursue  them 
even  to  destruction  !  But  to  us  display  your  good- 
ness in  a  speedy  deliverance  from  impending  evils, 
and  all  the  blessings  of  protection  and  tranquillity. 

Translated  by  Thomas  Leland,  D.  D. 

VOL.  I. — 23. 


DEINARCHUS 

Deinarchus  was  a  Corinthian.  Dionysius  gives  361  B.C.  as 
the  date  of  his  birth.  He  settled  in  Athens,  and  made  his  living 
by  writing  speeches  for  others.  He  attained  his  highest  repu- 
tation after  the  banishment  or  death  of  Demosthenes  and 
other  great  orators.  He  was  involved  in  a  charge  of  conspiracy 
against  the  democracy,  and  withdrew  to  Chalcis,  in  Eubcea. 
After  fifteen  years  he  returned  to  Athens. 

Deinarchus  was  a  weak  imitator  of  Demosthenes.  Hermog- 
enes,  who  credits  him  with  "fiery  earnestness"  and  "vehe- 
mence," admits  his  want  of  finish. 

Three  speeches  of  Deinarchus  are  extant,  those  against 
Demosthenes,  against  Aristogeiton,  against  Philocles.  The 
first  is  important  as  treating  of  the  charge  of  bribery  against 
Demosthenes  in  the  Harpalus  affair. 

For  the  text  consult  the  edition  of  Blass  in  the  Teubner 
series  (1888);  English  translation  of  the  speech  against  De- 
mosthenes by  Thomas  Leland,  D.D.  See  also  Bhss,  A ttisc he 
Beredsamkeit,  iii.,  2,  pp.  289-333  ;  J  ebb,  Attic  Orators,  ii., 
P-  374- 


355 


AGAINST  DEMOSTHENES 

[Selection.]  Deinarchus. 

In  324  B.C.  Harpalus,  the  absconding  treasurer  of  Alexander,  appeared  before 
the  Piraeus  with  troops  and  embezzled  treasure.  On  motion  of  Demosthenes 
the  harbor  was  closed  against  him.  Later  he  appeared  as  a  refugee  without  his 
mercenaries  and  was  admitted.  When  his  surrender  was  peremptorily  demanded, 
it  was  resolved,  on  motion  of  Demosthenes,  not  to  give  up  Harpalus,  but  to  lodge 
the  gold  in  the  Parthenon  in  trust  for  Alexander.  Previous  to  his  arrest  Harpalus 
stated  the  treasure  as  seven  hundred  and  twenty  talents.  The  amount  actually 
deposited  was  three  hundred  and  fifty  talents.  Meanwhile  Harpalus  escaped, 
and  there  remained  no  evidence  regarding  the  missing  treasure.  Demosthenes 
carried  a  decree  that  the  Areopagus  should  investigate  the  case.  Among  others, 
he  himself  was  accused  of  receiving  bribes,  Hypereides  and  Deinarchus  both 
speaking  against  him.  After  many  months  the  Areopagus  brought  in  their  report, 
naming  Demosthenes  at  the  head  of  the  list,  and  charging  him  with  having 
received  twenty  talents.     We  present  the  speech  of  Deinarchus. 

THIS  your  minister,  Athenians !  who  hath  pro- 
nounced sentence  of  death  on  himself  should 
he  be  convicted  of  receiving  anything  from  Harpa- 
lus— this  very  man  hath  been  clearly  convicted  of 
accepting  bribes  from  those  whom  in  former  times 
he  affected  to  oppose  with  so  much  zeal.  As 
Stratocles  has  spoken  largely  upon  this  subject ; 
as  many  articles  of  accusation  have  been  antici- 
pated ;  as  the  council  of  Areopagus  has  made 
a  report  on  this  inquiry  so  consonant  to  equity 
and  truth — a  report  confirmed  and  enforced  by 

357 


358  The  World's  Orators 

Stratocles,  who  hath  produced  the  decrees  enacted 
against  these  crimes — it  remains  that  we  who  are 
now  to  speak  (who  are  engaged  in  a  cause  of  more 
importance  than  ever  came  before  this  State) 
should  request  the  whole  assembly,  first,  that  we 
obtain  your  pardon  if  we  should  repeat  some  things 
already  urged  (for  here  our  purpose  is,  not  to 
abuse  your  patience,  but  to  inflame  your  indig- 
nation )  ;  and,  secondly,  that  you  may  not  give  up 
the  general  rights  and  laws  of  the  community,  or 
exchange  the  general  welfare  for  the  speeches  of 
the  accused.  You  see  that  in  this  assembly  it  is 
Demosthenes  that  is  tried  :  in  all  other  places  your 
own  trial  is  depending.  On  you,  men  turn  their 
eyes,  and  wait  with  eagerness  to  see  how  far  the 
interests  of  your  country  will  engage  your  care  ; 
whether  you  are  to  take  upon  yourselves  the  cor- 
ruption and  iniquity  of  these  men,  or  whether 
you  are  to  manifest  to  the  world  a  just  resent- 
ment against  those  who  are  bribed  to  betray  the 
State. 

This  last  is  fully  in  your  power.  The  assembly 
has  made  a  fair  decree.  The  citizens  have  discov- 
ered their  desire  to  detect  those  speakers,  whoever 
they  may  be,  who,  to  the  disgrace  and  detriment 
of  their  community,  have  presumed  to  receive  gold 
from  Harpalus.  Add  to  this,  that  you  yourself, 
Demosthenes,  and  many  others,  have  moved  in 
form  that  the  council,  agreeably  to  ancient  usage, 


Against  Demosthenes  359 

should  enter  into  an  inquiry  whether  any  persons 
had  been  thus  guilty.  The  council  has  made  this 
inquiry  ;  not  that  your  instances  were  wanting  to 
remind  them  of  their  duty,  or  that  they  wished 
to  sacrifice  the  truth,  the  truth  reposed  in  them,  to 
you  :  but  from  a  full  persuasion  (as  the  Areopagites 
have  expressed  it )  of  the  influence  of  such  prac- 
tices on  all  our  counsels  and  transactions,  and  a 
firm  resolution  never  to  plead  the  danger  of  being 
exposed  to  calumny  when  they  were  to  detect  the 
man  who  attempted  to  bring  disgrace  and  danger 
on  his  country. 

And  although  the  dignity  and  propriety  of  this 
procedure  have  received  the  approbation  of  the 
people,  Demosthenes  has  recourse  to  complaints, 
to  appeals,  to  malicious  accusations,  now  that  he 
finds  himself  convicted  of  receiving  twenty  talents 
of  gold.  Shall  then  this  council,  on  whose  faith 
and  justice  we  rely,  even  in  the  important  case  of 
premeditated  murder,  to  whom  we  commit  the 
vengeance  due  to  this  crime,  who  have  an  absolute 
power  over  the  persons  and  lives  of  our  citizens, 
who  can  punish  every  violation  of  our  laws,  either 
by  exile  or  by  death, — shall  this  council,  I  say,  on 
an  inquiry  into  a  case  of  bribery,  at  once  lose  all 
its  authority  ?  "  Yes  ;  for  the  Areopagus  hath  re- 
ported falsely  of  Demosthenes."  Extravagant  and 
absurd  !  What !  report  falsely  of  Demosthenes 
and  Demades,  against  whom  even  the  truth  seems 


36o  The  World's  Orators 

scarcely  to  be  declared  with  safety  ?  You  who 
have  in  former  times  moved  that  this  council 
should  take  cognizance  ot  public  affairs,  and  have 
applauded  their  reports  ;  you,  whom  this  whole 
city  has  not  been  able  to  restrain  within  the  bounds 
of  justice,  hath  the  council  reported  falsely  against 
you  ?  Why  then  did  you  declare  to  the  people 
that  you  were  ready  to  submit  to  death  if  con- 
demned by  the  report  of  this  council  ?  Why  have 
you  availed  yourself  of  their  authority  to  take  off 
so  many  of  our  citizens  ?  Or  whither  shall  we 
have  recourse  ?  to  whom  shall  we  intrust  the 
detection  of  secret  villainy  ?  if  you,  notwithstand- 
ing all  your  affected  regard  to  our  popular  gov- 
ernment, are  to  dissolve  this  council,  to  whose 
protection  our  lives  have  been  intrusted;  to  whose 
protection  our  liberty  and  our  constitution  have 
oftentimes  been  intrusted ;  by  whose  protection  that 
person  of  thine  hath  been  preserved  (for,  as  you 
pretend,  it  has  frequently  been  attempted)  to  utter 
these  calumnies  against  them  ;  to  whose  care  we 
have  committed  our  secret  archives,  on  which  the 
very  being  of  our  State  depends.  But  it  is  just — 
it  is  just,  I  say,  that  the  council  should  meet  with 
these  returns  of  calumny.  For  1  shall  freely  speak 
my  sentiments.  One  of  these  two  methods  should 
they  have  pursued  :  either  instantly  have  entered 
into  the  first  inquiry  relative  to  the  three  hundred 
talents  sent  hither  by  the  King  of  Persia,  as  the 


Against  Demosthenes  361 

people  directed,  and  then  this  monster  would  have 
been  punished,  his  accomplices  in  corruption  de- 
tected, and  all  his  traitorous  practices,  by  which 
Thebes  was  betrayed  to  ruin,  being  clearly  laid 
open,  an  ignominious  death  would  have  freed  us 
from  him  ;  or,  if  you  were  inclined  to  pardon  this 
crime  in  Demosthenes,  and  thus  to  propagate  the 
race  of  corrupted  hirelings  within  your  city,  this 
discovery  of  your  sentiments  should  have  deter- 
mined them  not  to  enter  into  any  inquiry  on  infor- 
mation of  the  money  received  by  Demosthenes. 
For  now,  when  the  council  of  the  Areopagus  have 
nobly  and  equitably  proceeded  to  a  full  detection 
of  this  man  and  his  accomplices  ;  when,  regardless 
of  the  power  of  Demosthenes  and  Demades,  they 
have  adhered  inviolably  to  truth  and  justice,  still 
Demosthenes  goes  round  the  city,  utters  his  invec- 
tives against  this  council,  and  boasts  of  his  services 
in  those  speeches  which  you  shall  hear  him  in- 
stantly use  to  deceive  the  assembly  : — "  It  was  1 
who  gained  you  the  alliance  of  Thebes ! " — No  ! 
you  it  was  who  ruined  the  common  interests  of 
both  States.  "  I  drew  out  the  forces  of  Chasro- 
nasa  ! " — No  !  you  were  the  only  person  who  there 
fled  from  your  post.  ''  For  you  have  I  engaged  in 
several  embassies."  And  what  would  he  do — 
what  would  he  demand  —  had  these  his  nego- 
tiations been  successful  when,  having  ranged 
through  the  world  only  to  involve  us  in  such 


362  The  World's  Orators 

calamities  and  misfortunes,  he  expects  to  be  re- 
warded with  a  liberty  of  receiving  bribes  against 
his  country,  and  the  privilege  of  speaking  and  of 
acting  in  this  assembly  as  he  pleases  ?  To  Timo- 
theus,  who  awed  all  Peloponnesus  by  his  fleet, 
who  gained  the  naval  victory  at  Corcyra  over  the 
Lacedasmonians,  who  was  the  son  of  Conon,  the 
man  who  restored  liberty  to  Greece,  who  gained 
Samos,  and  Methone,  and  Pydna,  and  Potidiea, 
and  besides  these,  twenty  cities  more  ;  you  did  not 
admit  those  important  benefits,  which  he  conferred 
on  us,  to  have  any  weight  against  the  integrity  of 
your  tribunals,  against  those  oaths  by  which  you 
were  engaged  in  pronouncing  sentence.  No  :  you 
imposed  on  him  a  tine  of  one  hundred  talents, 
because  that  he  had  by  his  own  acknowledgment 
received  money  from  the  Chians  and  the  Rhodians. 
And  shall  not  this  outcast,  this  Scythian  (for  my 
indignation  will  not  be  restrained),  whom  not  one 
man,  but  the  whole  body  of  the  Areopagus  has,  on 
full  inquiry,  declared  guilty  of  receiving  bribes, 
declared  a  hireling,  and  fully  proved  to  be  a  cor- 
rupted traitor  to  his  country — shall  he  not  be  pun- 
ished with  that  severity  which  may  serve  as  an 
example  to  others  ?  He,  who  has  not  only  been 
detected  in  receiving  money  from  the  King,  but  has 
enriched  himself  with  the  spoils  of  the  State,  and 
now  could  not  even  be  restrained  from  sharing  the 
vile  wages  which  Harpalus  here  distributed  ?  .  .  . 


Against  Demosthenes  363 

And  now,  my  fellow-citizens,  consider  how  you 
are  to  act.  The  people  have  returned  to  you  an 
information  of  a  crime  lately  committed.  Demos- 
thenes stands  first  before  you  to  suffer  the  punish- 
ment denounced  against  all  whom  this  information 
condemns.  We  have  explained  his  guilt  with  an 
unbiased  attention  to  the  laws.  Will  you  then 
discover  a  total  disregard  of  all  these  offences  ? 
Will  you,  when  intrusted  with  so  important  a  de- 
cision, invalidate  the  judgment  of  the  people,  of 
the  Areopagus,  of  all  mankind  ?  Will  you  take 
upon  yourselves  the  guilt  of  these  men  ?  Or  will 
you  give  the  world  an  example  of  that  detestation 
in  which  this  State  holds  traitors  and  hirelings  that 
oppose  our  interests  for  a  bribe  ?  This  entirely 
depends  on  you.  You,  the  fifteen  hundred  chosen 
judges,  have  the  safety  of  our  country  in  your 
hands.  This  day,  the  sentence  you  are  now  to 
pronounce  must  establish  this  city  in  full  security, 
if  it  be  consonant  to  justice  ;  or  must  entirely  de- 
feat all  our  hopes,  if  it  gives  support  to  such  ini- 
quitous practices.  Let  not  the  false  tears  of 
Demosthenes  make  an  impression  on  your  minds, 
nor  sacrifice  our  rights  and  laws  to  his  suppli- 
cations. Necessity  never  forced  him  to  receive 
his  share  of  this  gold ;  he  was  more  than  suffi- 
ciently enriched  by  your  treasure.  Necessity  has 
not  forced  him  now  to  enter  on  his  defence  ; 
his    crimes    are    acknowledged ;     his    sentence 


364  The  World's  Orators 

pronounced  by  himself.  The  sordid  baseness,  the 
guilt  of  all  his  past  life  have  at  length  brought 
down  vengeance  upon  his  head  ;  let  not  then  his 
tears  and  lamentations  move  you.  It  is  your  coun- 
try that  much  more  deservedly  claims  your  pity  ; 
your  country,  which  his  practices  have  exposed  to 
danger ;  your  country,  which  now  supplicates  its 
sons,  presents  your  wives  and  children  before  you, 
beseeching  you  to  save  them  by  punishing  this 
traitor ;  that  country,  in  which  your  ancestors, 
with  a  generous  zeal,  encountered  numberless 
dangers,  that  they  might  transmit  it  free  to  their 
posterity,  in  which  we  find  many  and  noble  ex- 
amples of  ancient  virtue.  Here  fix  your  attention. 
Look  to  your  religion,  the  sacred  rights  of  an- 
tiquity, the  sepulchres  of  your  fathers,  and  give 
sentence  with  an  unshaken  integrity.  When  De- 
mosthenes attempts  to  deceive  and  abuse  you 
with  his  tears  and  wailings,  then  turn  your  eyes 
to  the  city,  reflect  upon  its  former  glory,  and  con- 
sider whether  Demosthenes  has  been  reduced  to 
greater  wretchedness  by  the  city,  or  the  city  by 
Demosthenes.  You  will  find  that  he,  from  the 
time  that  he  was  intrusted  with  our  affairs,  rose 
from  the  condition  of  a  writer  of  speeches  and 
hired  pleader  for  Ctesippus  and  Phormio,  to  a  state 
of  affluence  superior  to  all  his  countrymen;  from 
obscurity,  from  a  birth  ennobled  by  no  ancestry, 
he  arose  to  eminence  :  but  that  the  city  has  been 


Against  Demosthenes  365 

reduced  to   a  condition  utterly  unworthy  of  its 
ancient  illustrious  honors. 

Despising,  then,  the  entreaties,  the  false  artifices 
of  this  man,  let  justice  and  integrity  be  your  only 
objects.  Consider  the  good  of  your  country,  not 
that  of  Demosthenes.  This  is  the  part  of  honest, 
upright  judges.  And  should  any  man  arise  to 
plead  in  favor  of  Demosthenes,  consider  that  such 
a  man,  if  not  involved  in  the  same  guilt,  is  at  least 
disaffected  to  the  State  ;  as  he  would  screen  those 
from  justice  who  have  been  bribed  to  betray  its 
interests ;  as  he  would  subvert  the  authority  of 
the  Areopagus,  on  which  our  lives  depend,  and 
confound  and  destroy  all  our  laws  and  institutions. 
But  should  any  orator  or  general  arise  to  defend 
him,  in  hopes  to  defeat  an  indictment  by  which 
they  themselves  must  be  attacked,  suffer  them 
not  to  speak ;  consider  that  they  have  been  ac- 
complices in  entertaining  and  conveying  Harpalus 
away ;  consider  that  these  men  do  really  speak 
against  their  country,  and  are  the  common  ene- 
mies of  our  laws  and  constitution  :  silence  such 
insidious  advocates.  If  the  facts  alleged  be  false, 
let  that  be  proved  ;  and  especially  let  your  indig- 
nation fall  on  him  who  foolishly  relies  on  his 
power  of  speaking ;  who,  when  evidently  con- 
victed of  receiving  bribes,  adds  to  his  guilt  by  at- 
tempting to  practice  his  artifices  upon  you.  Inflict 
that  punishment  upon  him  which  the  honor  of 


3^6  The  World's  Orators 

your  country  and  your  own  honor  demand  ;  else, 
by  one  vote,  by  one  sentence,  will  you  bring  down 
all  their  guilt  upon  yourselves  and  on  the  peo- 
ple who  have  or  may  be  convicted  of  corruption  ; 
and  you  yourselves  will  condemn  that  ill-judged 
lenity  which  now  suffers  them  to  escape,  when 
it  is  no  longer  in  your  power  to  prevent  the  fatal 
consequences. 

Translated  by  Thomas  Leland,  D.D. 
END  OF  VOLUME    1 


/O.  >'L^/^^ 


